Declamatio de Atheniensium defensio (ad Libanii declamationem antilogia)

The Potidaeans, besieged by the Athenians, tasted each other, and the Corinthians charge the Athenians with impiety. The Athenians defend themselves. Men of Lacedaemon, what we supposed the Corinthians would do—to be so shameless and to employ such great paradox in their speech against us—first, their never unaccustomed falsehood and ready sycophancy and slander against whomever they wish, and second, the fact that they make their speeches before you as judges, who inhabit the same Peloponnese as they do. For those who have always learned to prefer something else to the truth, when placed in a contest where they have the greatest opportunity for falsehood, it is not easy for them to entirely neglect that lesson; and those who, trusting the judges as being their own people, think that even if they utter any falsehood they will remain unrefuted, it is not unlikely that they will be bold and paradoxical in many ways. Nevertheless, if we saw you disposed just as you seemed to the Corinthians before they rose to speak,

But that was to entrust yourselves to your own pleasures. Praising everything they said in order, but caring nothing for the truth, we would have departed for Athens having said nothing more and having made no further inquiry. For what benefit would there be in speaking or in undertaking any matter at all before judges who, I am reluctant to call enemies—and may I hear no one else say so—are in all things according to the desire of our enemies? But now, seeing you eager to fulfill the most upright duty of men judging, and to hear us as well giving our account, and to have your judgments disposed equally toward both, and to set friendship and closeness with the Corinthians, and any difference there may be toward us, far from your considerations at this moment, so that you may judge rightly and fittingly for both parties, and that no harm may come from this.

to justice, which indeed all lawgivers honor by swearing in judges for this purpose, we ourselves rose to speak on our behalf. But we will not, as the Corinthians did, immediately launch into reproaches against them, nor will we remind you of ancient friendship and familiarity, nor of how we once stood together and took the lead among the Greeks in time of need, nor will we recount our benefactions, which we have laid down in common for all, not without dangers, and individually for those ever in need. For it is not seemly, and besides, when we are strong enough to prevail over our opponents, to attack them with abuse and to make a catalogue of achievements that have no bearing on the present matter—that would be a hollow ambition and an untimely display, especially since the matter is clear in itself and of some

requires no external testimony to prove it. For who does not know that Ionia is a colony and also ours, and a part of the universal providence of the Athenians, well governed by them in its entirety, so that this region of Europe might remain inaccessible to barbarians from a great distance? Who does not know Sicily itself from another perspective? Who does not know the dangers at Marathon, at Artemisium, at Salamis, and at Plataea, where together with you we destroyed the many myriads of Mardonius, the dangers on your behalf, Lacedaemonians, when after the revolt of the helots the utmost dangers surrounded Lacedaemon, the dangers on behalf of the others? Who is ignorant of all these things? And why should we speak at length, reminding you, when even this reminder in the present contest brings us no further advantage? Therefore we will not choose to speak about these matters, but withdrawing with haste, and also passing over the many and childish accusations of the Corinthians against us, as if you would not demand any account of such ridiculous things,

For it would not be fitting that Lacedaemonians, who claim to rule over the Greeks just as we do, should accept such accusations concerning a city that is a leader, and so we shall turn our argument to the most critical and noble points of the accusation that seem to be directed against us. 6. The Corinthians bring a charge of impiety against us—impiety, O Lacedaemonians, a matter which until now not only has no one ever brought against us, nor even conceived of, and they are harsh, as you see, now that they have made the attempt, and this from the Athenians, who, if not always good and humane, yet have never been such toward them. As for what pretext has moved them to set out upon this course, if it is something else that they themselves conceal, we do not clearly know; but what they say, and what you have heard them say,

matters. Potidaea, because we subdued it when it was hostile, and the Potidaeans feasting on each other. What this is, how it came about, and what the original cause of this event was, let us now state. And if we speak after going back a little, this will not be out of place. For from this it would be possible for you, having listened well, to be ignorant of nothing, and for our speech to take the proper beginning. 7. Potidaea, beneath Pallene, the Thracian mountain, you all know, I suppose. Colonists of the Corinthians hold this city. So the Corinthians say, and we agree, and no one wishes to disbelieve this. Therefore this city, greatly priding itself on being called Corinthian, was content always to refer its lineage there, and to receive artisans from there most gladly, and to obey whatever they ordered most readily. Thus the Corinthians named the rulers sent out to their colonies.

We say that this is the greatest of their ambitions, and that it suffices in place of all things of which men are proud, the mother city Corinth. But if the Potidaeans had preserved this opinion throughout all time, this would have been no small glory for the Corinthians, and also for the Potidaeans themselves a boast not less in gratitude. But as it is, having cherished the said affection for not a few years, they quickly embrace change and, imitating those who eat voraciously, they immediately fell into disgust, and they revolt from the Corinthians, and they also send away the craftsmen with whom they had come, holding their commands, and they drive out the others who were present from the Peloponnese, and having become independent, they admit no one. And how not immediately

Then or later, the Corinthians, either by attacking or by persuading them to change sides again, destroyed them when they were not persuaded. Neither we have anything to say, nor do they themselves claim to have anything. Nevertheless, having broken away in this manner, for many subsequent times they looked to no one, perhaps because nothing from outside was troubling them, nothing at all attacking or even forcing them, so that some might have recourse to the stronger and receive strength from them, so as to be able to repel any annoyance, if any occurred. And these things were so until the situation was not yet set in motion by these events. But when it was set in motion and unexpectedly turned out contrary to expectation and affected even these, as is the case with all human affairs, and the Thracians around them were strong, while these were weaker, expecting to suffer the worst at any moment, since there was no power sufficient to resist, nor any assistance from anywhere, nor any

What are they doing that is of better hope? They dare a deed which then, when they were in their right minds, was strong enough to save them, and now, when they have revolted, has destroyed them. For coming to Athens—and let no one here think that the Corinthians are speaking truly when they insist that we were pursuing them by deceit—for, by the gods, we neither wished to deceive them nor to persuade them in any other way to change sides to us, but coming to Athens, with no one else having stirred them up except themselves, and entering the council chamber, they surrendered themselves. We omit to mention the entreaties, which would be entirely out of place, and the supplications and the beseechings which they made, privately to our most powerful men, and publicly to all, so that they might be willing to receive them. But since we did not accept them at first, they did not withdraw, but pressed much more, begging, and when not even then did any of us pay attention to them or nod assent, they resorted to even more heated words. And finally, "If you do not," they said,

We were receiving them, but we will set the barbarians against you. Consider, then, which is more choiceworthy: that we be yours and that Greeks obey Greeks, or that, to the common outrage of the Greek race, we bow to barbarian commands. This they said, and we yielded and agreed to receive them; for what else was there to do, unless we were about to hand over to barbarians the—and we did receive them, considering these two things at once: that the Corinthians would not be indignant if we received them, since the revolt had already occurred many years ago, and that they would rather that the Potidaeans stand with us and with Greeks generally than stand with their natural enemies, the barbarians. For this, indeed, is to stand with brothers.

Yes, and knowing the same gods, and sharing in the same rites, sacrifices, and festivals, while that other is with those alien to the race and as far removed as possible. Therefore we thought we would suffer the opposite, that we considered the event grievous and unbearable, and that we held enmity toward them as toward no other men. But we speak now as circumstances have allowed us to learn, since if they held these thoughts in their inward deliberations even then, we cannot say clearly; yet from outward signs one might guess that they seemed to have suffered nothing unpleasant. 13. However, as for the expenses incurred by the people on this account—partly in equipping triremes, partly in hiring mercenary troops and gathering forces from home—I forbear to mention. But you, in the name of the gods, consider this: the place Potidaea, though Greek, lies in the midst of Thrace. The voyage between being long, it caused us great expense and very great concern. And

Fear was also present, lest we might ever lose those whom we had received, having agreed to save them. For this reason we spared no expense of our resources, but, so that the guard might be sufficient, many soldiers sailed there, and many wages naturally sailed along with them, as well as the expenditures and everything conducive to safety. It is no less true that the Potidaeans were prosperous, sitting quietly amidst their own goods. And they were prosperous because of the Athenians, just as, of course, we were wretched because of them, spending, sailing out, campaigning, waging war, and all this not to secure ourselves, but to preserve for others what they possessed. And what the Potidaeans, for their part, granted to the people in return for these things is shameful even to mention. Such a paltry gift it was, or rather a shadow of a gift, or not even that.

They said that they remained and perceived the benefaction, and through these titles: saviors, guardians, protectors of us Athenians, which, even if someone were to purchase for two obols, would fulfill everything for us. And this indeed seemed to be sufficiently due to philanthropy, and we supposed that through the acknowledgment of the favor we had everything in full. And if they had chosen to be grateful to the end, never would the present fortune have been received, nor would any of their possessions have been moved. Or we would have undergone this much earlier than they, with us protecting them. What then destroyed them and brought on the present misfortunes was the change and alteration toward ingratitude, which we, by the gods, had not suffered, but they themselves, having forgotten our forethought,

through which they were saved, but having had their fill of the resulting prosperity and having suffered the malady of base ingratitude, they changed all offices, just as those men changed foods, and were similarly displeased with all. For in truth they were unable to contain great wealth. And since it was necessary for them to suffer ill, they simultaneously conceived the plan to revolt from us, simultaneously revolted, simultaneously summoned the Corinthians, and interposed no time between thought and deeds. 16. To these things, who would not have been affected upon hearing what is common to all men, and, seized with anger, would not have immediately set out to destroy them? But not we at that time, even though the matter was exceedingly painful and unbearable and brought us much justification. And even if we had been moved to the point of slaughtering them, we would not have done so; nor did we immediately upon the announcement proclaim to sail out, to take the field, to move arms against the ungrateful, the thankless, the treaty-breakers, the accursed ones, both of the gods invoked in the oaths and of us, who after the gods

we were saving them, but when they entered the council chamber and passed a decree—which indeed you say surpasses all philanthropy—it was that the Athenians should choose to save the Potidaeans again, only if, with the walled circuit demolished, they were willing to inhabit the city without fortifications. Having decreed these things, we sent out ambassadors to proclaim them to the Potidaeans, and along with the ambassadors an army, so that if they were not persuaded by words, they might at least be compelled by fear of arms to yield. Not much time passed after this, and the ambassadors arrived, the army accompanied them, words were spoken, and threats along with the words. The Potidaeans, on the other side, saw and heard, and were

everything was long-winded nonsense to them, and they said, "O children, Athenians, if you think to persuade us or to overpower us by force." Then, in addition to these things, the Olynthians, who lived nearby and saw that the Potidaeans were obeying the Athenians, revolted. And this evil, like some other disease, spreading, also touched the Chalcidians, and they too revolted. Then Alexander, who was a friend of the people from his ancestors, became an enemy, and all our affairs in Thrace fell into disorder, beginning first from Potidaea. Now, for men who were of such a character and who had been responsible for such events, what punishment would anyone have thought to impose that would be just? Perhaps all others would say that there is no just punishment here, for the crime far exceeds it, so that even death itself is a small thing in comparison.

We, however, were so far from failing to recall even here our humanity that we also gave orders to the generals who came after the first ones, leading another army against Potidaea, and to those whom we sent after them as a third force, conveying a third fleet to the same place—to all of these we gave strict instructions to do no harm, to cause no damage, but to attend only to guard duty, so that no one might enter or leave unnoticed, and to try to win them over to us by words. But none of what was seen disturbed them—neither an army encamped nearby, nor weapons displayed, nor triremes sailing against triremes, nor any other terrible thing one might mention. So peacefully did our affairs stand with them, and so unshakably did they hold to their resolve. Hence, surrounding them with the camp in a circle, we placed them under a strict siege.

As for what they did to themselves when they were shut in, whether pious or impious, they themselves may know. But what we did, once we had been brought to a standstill by the long time, was neither barbaric nor such as it was just for them to suffer, nor such as the law of soldiers prescribes. For we certainly did not, after seizing them, take up arms against them, nor did we treat them as enemies, nor did we punish any of them with death, but we ordered all of them to depart the city unharmed.

we left the ground behind for ourselves and brought our anger to bear not against a single one of the Potidaeans, but against the insensate nature, and, having allowed the guilty to live, we exacted punishment from the innocent. And this perhaps is our impiety, that, sparing the race, we yielded to justice and did not exact what was deserved. 20. But it is not for this that the Corinthians say they have risen to the accusation, but for something else, which, as being both foolish and ridiculous, would not require many words to demonstrate. What then do they say? A war which the Athenians had stirred up surrounded Potidaea, and it was being besieged; famine set in, and the Potidaeans tasted one another; and because of this the Athenians are impious. But you, Corinthians, how are you not impious because of this? Because you offered no pretext and none of you shared in the pollution? Neither did we offer any pretext nor did we share in it, so that in whatever way you acquit yourselves of the charge, in the same way

Of course, that applies to us as well. For both of us are equally far from the very thing you accuse us of. Therefore, we are equally remote from the charge. So why are you irrationally carried away into accusation, knowing clearly that whatever you would say about these matters if someone accuses you, that same thing we too will be able to say on the basis of equal reasoning? Therefore, one must not direct the charge thoughtlessly against just anyone, but against the one who commits the wrong. For this is just and proper, since it is especially approved by the laws and is beneficial to all people, because evil is cut off from no small part as a result; whereas the other course of action, besides being irrational, is never advantageous to anyone. So it is the wrongdoers, those who disregard the laws, those who sin in any way, who must be accused and brought to the tribunal, and not others in their place. For if not, two very bad things will result from this: both the wrongdoers

ing that you are not the ones who committed the wrong, yet you still hold us accountable for the deeds of others. For if you always shift the blame, then those who are reasonable and good will suffer the fate of the impious, so that wickedness will never leave life, and virtue will be most severely damaged—which, more than anything, must be guarded against, lest human affairs be turned upside down. For, in the name of the gods, would it be acceptable to you if someone became a temple robber or a thief in Corinth, and you let that man go free, but brought us, the others, to trial in his place? Not only would this be unjust, but also utterly ridiculous. For if the Corinthians are all temple robbers because of that one man, and if, according to you, the charge must always be transferred, then the Argives, the neighboring Mantineans, we in Athens, and all people would be such, and no one would be human. For the one who receives the charge will always pass it on to another, and the charge, being carried, will neither rest on anyone nor will it pass over everyone, so that the argument must be resolved into a riddle. But this is entirely absurd. And it is absurd, therefore, that we

ous because of the Potidaeans who have committed impiety. But if you press further, the charge will proceed step by step and reach you Corinthians as well, and then we will counter-accuse you, be assured, with no less vehemence. But it is not right to play such games. For all men who care for justice do not introduce one thing in place of another into their lawsuits, but whoever has done wrong is liable among them, and the same person also inherits the blame. If, then, the Potidaeans have tasted one another, they would be impious and the gods would destroy them utterly, but we seem to have as much share in their pollution as those in Ecbatana and Susa and those most widely separated from them. 24. "But you besieged them," they say, "and during the siege this happened." We did besiege them,

Therefore, and with full justice. For they were enemies and hostile, and just as we undertook to aid them in every way when they were friends, so when they turned to the opposite, we waged war against them, doing nothing unjust. For if we had taken up war against them when they had done us no wrong and had caused us no harm, this would have been manifestly unjust—to wish to march against those with whom we had no difference and to join battle without cause; and indeed, if anyone had then proceeded against us in punishment for this, he would have acted most justly, especially before you as judges. But since they themselves, with no one summoning or compelling them, approached, supplicated, begged, and obtained from us the treatment they desired, and then turned to complete rebellion against the Athenians around them...

unlawful. But if, having made light of our zeal, they turned from friend to enemy and wronged us, where is the justice in not waging war against them and exacting a penalty worthy of their contempt? Therefore, men of Hellas, we did wage war and exact a penalty—not one that was fully adequate, but one we thought sufficient. And this action was entirely lawful, for no law, no god, nor common human custom prevents repelling such men. Indeed, the very examples from the gods—who strike from above with thunderbolts and hail, drown with waters, and punish in every way the impious and ungrateful among men—serve as instruction for the punishment of enemies. Likewise, the laws that establish judges for this purpose teach both the forms and methods of punishment.

They make great exhortation, as if, when some have done evil, they also suffer evil and perish. And even if you were to speak of the weakest and most moderate of men, when they have the opportunity to pursue those who wrong them, they would not decline the attempt. Thus from all sides it is urged to defend oneself against enemies, and it is in no way forbidden. This indeed we were doing, but the other thing we were in no way doing, I mean causing them to be nurtured in such a way. For we saw no precedent of such great abomination having occurred, to which it would have been reasonable to look and imitate, even if countless others had turned to this madness, but for the Athenians it is not in their nature to extend their anger so far, certainly not even if someone had shown himself to have caused them every harm.

It is, then, their ancestral custom and their own practice for all time, to be eager to exceed what is just when they do good, but when they punish, whenever there is occasion for this, not to be exacting, but even to relax from the moderate out of kindness. So that, even if we were besieging the Potidaeans, we were doing this with a view to exacting a measured penalty, but not so as to drive them into the necessity of touching the dead and persuade them to become, instead of enemies—what am I saying, enemies?—instead of wild beasts, to one another. We would have borne the charge of impiety if we had intended this and if our purpose in surrounding the city and seizing them was to push them by hunger, by the sword, and by all constraints toward such food. But where they, at their ease, turning about within the circuit, from the towers above brandishing their weapons back at the camp, at a time when no enemy was pressing hard—no sword held over them, no blow of iron, no burning fire, no noose, nor any other torture, while we were still calling them back to us, beseeching them, crying out—

lax in their punishment. Understand, men of Potidaea, become your own masters, spare your own wives, spare your children; why do you desire to become your own executioners? It is possible for you, by changing your resolve, to be saved, and it is also possible, if you harden yourselves once and for all, to be utterly destroyed. If, when we made these offers, they, having the opportunity to do what was necessary, nevertheless hardened themselves until they destroyed themselves, who is so shameless as to blame us on their account? Thus this was not the work of our intention, but of their folly. 28. And if you wish, go around Greece in a circle and inquire whether the Athenians have ever done anything of this sort to people; and if you find it anywhere, let both be joined together, and say that we are impious from habit. The Thebans, along with the other Boeotians, were defeated by the city in many battles; the Phocians and the Thessalians were also defeated, together with

They also experienced our strength, and in addition to them, Thracians, and from both nations many are still in our bonds. But no one experienced from us what these men claim. And why do we speak of the Greeks? Did not the Persians enslave our Ionians? Did they not carry off the Eretrians? Did they not come to Marathon with the same intention, to treat all of Attica as they did Eretria? But having then brilliantly prevailed over them, and later when Xerxes advanced, stirring up all Asia against us, and afterwards in Cyprus and Pamphylia and elsewhere, it cannot be said that we brought such necessity upon any one or more of them. We did not set a barbaric feast before a barbarian, nor did we, stationing executioners, order them to strike, flog, and slay. We have not so far forgotten human nature.

We have not fallen short of the virtue of the ancient Athenians, for whom nothing was so characteristic as piety and philanthropy. We have indeed become their heirs, and with these qualities we converse with all people throughout continuous time. Therefore, let no one hold us responsible for their impiety, but rather let them blame those very men who set before themselves an unlawful table and partook of forbidden food upon it. As for those who reproach us on account of these things, we say that they would not even allow the rulers in the cities to be blameless, since some who are cast into prison by them, before they can pay a penalty to the laws—perhaps a more moderate one—themselves transgress against themselves and depart from life. But this is by no means the judgment of right reason. For it is not merely that some were convicted, nor that

It is necessary to consider whether they were held in bonds, but not whether they suffered these things unjustly. If they perished impiously at their own hands, this contributes nothing to the effect that the one who held them should bear the blame; therefore, it brings no accusation against us either, if, while we were lawfully besieging the enemy, those impious men committed lawless acts against each other. 31. But if someone, being contentious, does not desist from saying that the siege forced them into these things, they themselves bear the blame for this as well. For consider: they were ours, ready to suffer anything rather than abandon us. We considered them friends on account of this. In fact, they experienced the test of our friendship. Then, like a ship turned by the wind to the opposite direction, they disregarded our care for them, they disregarded our zeal, they betrayed the

abandoning friendship and their compacts with one another, they departed into the form of enemies. From that point, war and terrors were at their very doors. Although it was necessary for them, after changing their counsel, to approach us, and upon approaching to entreat and, having entreated, to meet with more favorable treatment, nevertheless, having lost their wits, they perished. Thus the siege is not our work, but theirs, and the destruction that overtook them had no other preparers than the very ones who perished. For most irrationally, having thrust themselves upon the swords of the Athenians, they are destroyed by them, and having kindled a great flame, they are caught by it. Or does it seem to you that even one of us would have wished to be stirred, or would have written the decree concerning the wall, if those men had not been contemplating revolution, if they had not been looking toward revolt, if they had not become enemies instead of friends, foes instead of allies, and, instead of allies, men taking up arms against us? But as it is, since they revolted—and would that it were only their own doing—they perished at the hands of the Athenians.

Their example and all the affairs in Thrace and Macedonia, and not even now after the destruction of Potidaea are we able to recover ourselves to our former state. So, with them and, because of them, the others disposed in this way, where is the justice that we should not be moved, while they, having suffered far worse than what they endured, should meet with that? You are kind, Corinthians, turning the fortification and the siege this way and that, but not considering that the Potidaeans were justly subjected to these things. For what had occurred to them that was worthy of being overlooked by us? Were we not mocked? Were we not insulted by those men? Were we not deprived of so many expenditures over so many years, and have we not lost as much territory as it is not easy to mention, which revolted because of them? Then what should we Athenians have done?

to be sailors instead of these? To have collapsed and slept as if living in ease? But, to leave us aside, what if they were Lacedaemonians? But I also leave that aside: what if you, Corinthians, had enjoyed such ingratitude from men, how would you have treated them? But why do I ask these things? How you would have borne it has become clear to us from elsewhere, and your actions against the Corcyraeans bear good witness. For you sailed against them with no such charge, and you fought a sea battle, and you captured some of their ships empty, and others you sank with their crews, and you would not have refrained from sinking the island itself, if you had been able. Then do you consider it terrible if, as you did, we also treated our enemies from elsewhere? And Corinthians say that Corinthians do nothing unjust if someone opposes them, to destroy them immediately, but if anyone grumbles about this, there is great excuse that he was an enemy, that he was breaking treaties, that he was harming; Athenians

And if they go against the enemy, the Corinthians charge them with impiety. And how is this not unreasonable? It is proper to accuse and to blame appropriately, O Corinthians, when, having done no harm to those men, we ourselves attacked and harmed them, following only the desire to do wrong. But since they were the first to begin harming—and how did they harm? By breaking the agreements, disregarding the treaties, dishonoring our forethought for them, dishonoring also our zeal, rendering vain both our labors and our hopes, and reaching the utmost contempt for our affairs—then the blame would have no justification if we retaliated. For you see the common law for all men, how

It is not to others but to such men that the argument urges us to take up arms, and to harm in return the one who harms, and to hate in return the one who hates, and to scratch in return the one who scratches, belongs to no other than this doctrine. 36. But perhaps you command that we, who have not transgressed justice even in the slightest, must pay the penalty, and you wish to innovate such a law against us, while the Potidaeans, who commit the greatest transgressions, are to have no blame at all. And indeed, when the Lacedaemonians once did small harm to Attica, we retaliated to a greater degree, sailing around the whole Peloponnese in a circle and always ravaging it. And the Corinthians, whenever

They dared to march against us themselves, and we did not overlook their departing with more than an equal share. And we sent an exile from all of Greece, and sailing against his Asia, it cannot be said that we did not justly exact recompense for the outrages committed against the Greeks. And to these—I mean the extremities of the Greeks and the Great King—we conducted ourselves with such a spirit. Shall we then allow the Potidaeans to mock us and not discipline them, and through them the others? Shall we rather remain quiet and permit them to go unpunished, to roam about and boast so greatly, having laid a foundation for the contempt of others toward the Athenians? Death would be preferable for all of us than to live having incurred such a reproach. But it cannot be said that those men did not suffer justly, having become ungrateful and having turned from friends to rebellion and enmity. May those who act similarly suffer likewise.

For them, unjust ingratitude has been preferred to just affection. This would indeed be most fitting for life, and it would be best if all wickedness, and above all ingratitude, were removed—a thing which seems to me the ultimate evil, as it borders most closely on impiety. For just as, because of the impious, benefactions from the higher powers do not descend to men, so too, because of the hatred of the ungrateful, no one wishes to practice philanthropy toward another. And that part of such persons prevents men from sharing with one another as nature ordained, and they must, changing to the manner of beasts, incline toward savagery. Thus I say that there is nothing among existing things worse than ungrateful men to be seen, through all

having brought this one evil into the common life. And because of them, human affairs are nothing but enmities, wars, faithlessness, suspicion, deceit, falsehood, and every form of evil; and nowhere are truth and genuine approach to one another to be found, for there is no one who conducts himself without pretense or artifice. For this reason, it is not just to pity such people nor to spare them, but rather to look upon them all savagely and to drive out from the whole earth inhabited by humans philanthropy—as far as they are concerned—and to banish fairness from life, having introduced unsociability and bestiality instead. For such a wrong, if overlooked and unpunished, will need no great time to infect everyone with its corruption. And after this, how will anyone be willing to make an agreement with another or share his own possessions? How will anyone help another and extend a hand to one in distress? Whom will he assist? Whom will he take on, knowing that instead of owing gratitude

the one who is well treated immediately becomes an enemy. But I pass over the others; we ourselves, who are always accustomed to save, if someone in need came as a suppliant, how shall we still hold to the philanthropy of our nature? Whom shall we pity and save when they are in danger? Whom shall we receive when they take refuge? Whom shall we even champion, as we received and championed the Potidaeans who had taken refuge? For I do not think that anyone would be so foolish as, after the experience of one or two ungrateful men, to choose to benefit yet a third other. Therefore, even for the just, to be well treated will result in being harmed because of those who are unmindful of benefaction, and this evil will corrupt everything.

for good men, this one thing ought to be the sole concern of all people: if someone should appear anywhere afflicted with such a condition, to try with all one's might to eradicate him and remove him from the midst. This we, having reasoned rightly, did to the Potidaeans, not in a manner worthy of their ruin, yet not far from the nature of the Athenians, and it would be well and sufficiently for us if, taught by small examples, they became good and survived in life, or, having been utterly destroyed, they departed from existence. But if even so they will not abstain from wickedness, at least the penalty for the audacity will be exacted from them as quickly as possible. 41. Yet, although the punishment against them was thus insufficient, the Corinthians are not satisfied, but say, "You have attacked them impiously and inhumanely." How, good sirs, impiously and inhumanely? Were they not enemies to us? Did they not conspire against us? Did they not count it a matter of prayer that we should suffer any and every terrible thing?

is what we would hold to. But as for those who flee to us, it was not necessary to slaughter them, bury them, drown them, or destroy them by fire for these things. Then what of these things happened to them at our hands? None of these things, but on the contrary everything. No one died, certainly not at the hands of the Athenians, but as we in time took possession of the city, we preserved them, allowed them to live, and permitted them to go about freely, though they were not worthy of receiving any such treatment. Apart from what we have said, who has ever legislated concerning war and introduced measures and modes of battle, prescribing that it should proceed only so far, but no further, and that one should engage in this way but not at all in that, and that enemies should be treated or punished in this manner but not in that, and that we must follow him or, if not following, be subject to penalty?

to be seized and to pay penalties as if they had not conducted the contest lawfully and justly? There is no one who legislates these things, there is no one at all, but as the occasion demands, everyone says that battles must be arranged, and this is a common law for all, that each, from the circumstances that befall, must conduct the war. What then, feigning ignorance of things commonly known, do you accuse us of things that are unhindered, and, wishing to accuse others, do you give others grounds for accusation against yourselves? Or can you say that there are some people among whom these things are observed, or if not among any others, at least among you Corinthians? And did any law or

Is it reasonable not to use the resources at hand in the present battle? Do you not also pursue advantage by every means? Do you not contrive? Do you not lay ambushes? Do you not conceal traps? Do you not attack unseen? Do you not besiege the cities of your enemies? Do you not destroy by famine? Do you not ravage by fire? Do you not cut down the surrounding countryside? Do you not resort to every means for the sole purpose of appearing superior? Why then, when you yourselves have never been observed observing these things, and no one has ever reproached you for this, do you accuse us for not observing them? Very well. But who, in the name of the gods, has committed impious and unholy acts against the Potidaeans? None of the Athenians, by the gods. For we waged war against them lawfully and justly, but they, driven mad against each other, destroyed themselves by their own hands. And a fine device, O violated justice, you devised against them, at once putting an end to their wickedness and ingratitude, and also to those who would imitate them in the future.

...forestalling the impulses of those accursed ones. As indeed you ought always to stand by all the wicked in such a manner and to remove the injustices of men with equal swiftness. 45. Now the Potidaeans, O Lacedaemonians, have thus rendered due recompense both to us and to the gods who were wronged before us, while the Corinthians accuse us, not so much because they are deeply pained by those events as because they are moved by their envy toward us. How is this clear? From the fact that, although they have risen to speak and have the sufferings of the Potidaeans as a pretext for their speech, they have said less about those matters, while the greater part of their speech has been...

...was inciting you to war against us. Or do you not remember how they were urging you on, like generals to soldiers: “Why do you sit idle? Why have you turned back as if to sleep? Why do you not take up the Dorian and ancestral spirit? Do you not see how the men are growing, advancing, and thinking more highly than their nature? Will you not restrain them? Will you not cast them down? Will you not humble them before they become invincible?” 46. Now, what they set before you, having a different contest, turned, as you see, into a conflict against us. For us, a brief argument would suffice for these things, which we shall state forthwith and then conclude. We do not deny that they wish to become greater than themselves and always to advance, since this is a task pursued not only by the Athenians, nor only by the Greeks, but also by these men, by barbarians, and by almost all men. For we know that the desire for more is ingrained by nature in all, and if someone were to choose to examine each one individually, he would never find it anywhere absent.

...he will find the argument collapsing. And this would by no means be out of place, if, as is natural for all human beings, we also strive to become better and greater than ourselves. But what is nevertheless in this matter distinct in us and not easy to observe among others is this: that while all others know no distinction between their own and foreign interests in this regard, but are eager for their own advancement from all sources equally, we do not manage this in the same way. Rather, we love and cherish the entire Greek race, and would wish every good to come to them; indeed, we employ as much fairness and equality toward them as possible, even overlooking our own advantage.

if indeed this is going to benefit everyone in common. We always hate barbarians and war against them and strive, from their own deeds, to appear more renowned and more illustrious than ourselves. And if someone examines from what small beginnings we originally became great, he will find that it was from no other source than barbarian trophies that we have become such. For first of all, immediately, when our Theseus was among the living, we defeated the Amazons—women, one might perhaps say, but far surpassing the nature of men—and from this we made no small advance. Next, crossing into Asia, we besieged Sardis, and the gold from there greatly elevated the affairs of the Athenians. Third, we set up the trophy at Marathon and advanced as far as possible. And fourth, the finest of all after the finest, at Salamis and Plataea, fighting by sea and

fighting on foot we displayed ourselves and became greater than ourselves, as was fitting. There is another achievement besides those mentioned, which Cimon nobly accomplished, fighting both on foot and at sea on the same day on the king's sea and land, and we Athenians gained the greatest name among all. These things elevated us, Lacedaemonians, and made us great, not, as these men claim, because we fought against Greece. For we never began a war against Greeks; if someone wronged us first, he made the war necessary and provoked us against him, since we are disposed to be friendly and moderate toward anyone who does not choose to wrong us, and hostile toward anyone who does not wish to observe justice. As for the islands and cities which we now hold, we have unjustly seized none. For we have not taken them by force nor by right of conquest.

day, but because the rulers and peoples in them summoned us to themselves, perhaps because they loved our forethought on behalf of all. Thus we too became greater than ourselves from such things, not in the way these men claim nor from the source they claim, but from the source of which you yourselves are witnesses. 50. Do not, therefore, O Lacedaemonians, wish, persuaded by their words, to be kindled at once and to look toward a war so unseemly and so destructive. For it will turn out, if it happens—but may it never happen—as it is not without danger for both you and us, and we shall both act shamefully and altogether unworthily of our virtue, and Greece will be destroyed wretchedly, and barbarians will sit laughing, watching the sweetest of all spectacles for themselves: Greeks, natural enemies,

most shamefully perishing among themselves, and so that we might both be utterly crushed, at one time they will submit to you to join with money and army, and will accomplish it, at another time to us against you. But you, if you are prudent, will recall that now for the first time Greece has begun to recover from its dangers, and that it is not good, before it has clearly recovered, to cast it into second and greater perils. You will also recall that we have made the truce for fifty whole years, on which account we have named it the fifty-year truce, and that it is in no way pious to attempt to break it before half of the stipulated years have elapsed. But allow the Corinthians and the others who are disturbing Greece to babble on, as men fulfilling the work of envious demons, for it is characteristic of those demons to fasten onto the good things of men and to pry up pretexts through which they will be able to arm them for war against each other and to overturn the good things, while you hold to peace, since only this holds the common advantage.

of piety and reverence, so that not only may our relations with the gods be holy and pious, but also that it may be possible to act well both for the Athenians and the Peloponnesians and all the Greeks. 52. We, therefore, O Lacedaemonians, wishing no pretext for war, have deemed it right to defend ourselves against the accusations brought. For we consider it good to settle the differences that arise among us by peace and not by arms. For this reason, we are present to give an account to these Corinthians and to the other Greeks, if anyone has a charge that the Athenians have given offense, and we are willing to fulfill what is just for each. But if someone declares that this is not the way, but entrusts the decision to arms, this will seem to us painful in truth.

and it is pitiable for those who see to what evil the affairs of Greece will come; yet we too shall meet them with arms, having earnestly invoked the gods who are the overseers of the Greeks and who were called upon at the truces, for the great necessity of this; and if anyone should invade Attica, he would not only find us opposing him well here, but we ourselves will also invade his land with equal speed and preparation. 53. We have spoken, O Lacedaemonians, both to the Corinthians and to you. May the superior ones grant that what is commonly beneficial to the Greeks be present to you to accomplish.

Men of Lacedaemon, that we supposed the Corinthians would be so shameless and employ such a paradoxical speech against us, first because of their never unaccustomed falsehood and ready sycophancy and slander against whomever they wish, and second because they make their speeches before you as judges, who inhabit the same Peloponnese as they. For those who have always learned to value something else above the truth, when placed in a contest where falsehood has the greatest opportunity, it is not easy for them to neglect their learning entirely; and those who trust the judges as being their own people, and think that they will remain unrefuted even if they utter any falsehood, it is not unlikely that they become very bold and paradoxical. Nevertheless, if we saw you disposed as you seemed to the Corinthians before they rose to speak, that would be to entrust yourselves to their pleasures.

...praising in order everything they have said, but caring nothing for the truth, we would have departed for Athens without saying anything more or making any further inquiry. For what benefit would there be in speaking or in undertaking any matter at all before judges who, I am reluctant to call enemies, nor would I hear anyone else say so, but who are in every respect favorable to our enemies according to their own desire? But now, seeing that you are eager to fulfill the work of men who judge most rightly, and to hear us as well giving our account, and to be disposed with equal judgment toward both sides, and to set aside for the present any friendship and closeness with the Corinthians, and any difference, if there is any, toward us, far from your considerations, so that you may judge both parties rightly and appropriately, and that no harm may come to justice from this—which indeed all lawgivers, honoring justice, swear in the judges for this purpose—

We rose up also to speak on our own behalf. Yet we will not, like the Corinthians, immediately launch into reproaches against them, nor will we remind you of ancient friendship and familiarity, and how once, standing together, we supported the Greeks in a time of need, nor will we recount our benefactions, many of which we laid down, not without dangers, both in common for all and individually for those always in need. For it is not seemly, and besides, for those who are strong enough to prevail over their opponents, to proceed by slandering them, and to make a catalogue of achievements that have no bearing on the present matter would be a kind of hollow ambition and untimely display, especially since the matter is manifest from the outset and in no way requires some external testimony. For who does not know that Ionia is a colony and is itself ours?

and part of the providence for all Athenians, the whole region having been well governed by them, so that this place in Europe might remain inaccessible to barbarians as from a great distance. Who else would have secured Sicily itself? Who would have faced the dangers at Marathon, at Artemisium, at Salamis, and at Plataea, where together with you we destroyed the many myriads of Mardonius? Who would have faced the dangers on your behalf, O Lacedaemonians, when the Helots revolted and extreme danger surrounded Lacedaemon? Who would have faced the dangers on behalf of the others? Who among you is ignorant of all these things? And why should we speak at length, reminding you, when even this reminder in the present contest brings us no further advantage? Therefore we will not choose to speak about these matters, but having withdrawn with haste, and also having passed over the many and childish accusations of the Corinthians against us, as if you would not demand any account concerning such ridiculous things—for it would not be fitting for Lacedaemonians, who themselves claim to rule the Greeks equally with us, concerning

that a leading city should accept such accusations, we shall turn our speech to the most critical and noble points of the charge that seem to be directed against us. 6. The Corinthians charge us with impiety—impiety, men of Lacedaemon, a thing which up to this day not only has no one ever brought against us, but no one has even conceived of; and they are harsh, as you see, now that they have attempted it against us, even though the Athenians, if not always good and humane, have at least never done such things to them. What pretext has moved them to set upon this course, if they themselves are concealing something else, we do not clearly know; but what they do say, and what you have heard them say, is Potidaea—that we reduced that city, which was hostile, and that the Potidaeans have been feasting on one another. This

Let us now say what it is, how it came about, and what the original cause of this event was. If we speak after a brief digression, this will not be untimely. For from this it will be possible both for you, having listened well, to be ignorant of nothing, and for our speech to take the proper beginning. 7. Potidaea, situated under Pallene, the Thracian mountain, you all surely know. Colonists of the Corinthians hold this city. So the Corinthians say, and we agree, and no one wishes to disbelieve this. This city, greatly priding itself on being said to be of the Corinthians, was content both always to refer its lineage there and to receive artisans coming from there very gladly, and to obey whatever they ordered as readily as possible.

And this was for them the greatest of ambitions, and the metropolis Corinth sufficed in place of all things of which men are proud. But if the Potidaeans had preserved this opinion for all time, this would have brought no small glory to the Corinthians, and also to the Potidaeans themselves no less a boast for their good will. But as it is, having been content for not many years with what has been said, they quickly embrace change and, imitating those who eat greedily, immediately fell into disgust, and they revolt from the Corinthians, and they also send away the craftsmen with whom they had come, having orders, and they drive out the others who were present from the Peloponnese, and having become independent, they admit no one. And why did the Corinthians not attack them immediately then or later, either persuading them to change back to their side or, if not persuaded, destroy them?

Neither can we claim, nor do they themselves say they have, any such thing. However, having broken away in this manner over many subsequent times, they looked to no one, perhaps because nothing from outside troubled them at all, neither anything attacking nor even forcing them, so that they might submit to some of the stronger and from them obtain strength, so as to be able to drive off anything that might cause distress. And these matters perhaps were not yet destined to stir up affairs for them, but when they were stirred up and unexpectedly fell back and touched even these with change, as is the case with all human things, and the Thracians around were strong, while these were weaker, expecting that they would suffer the worst before long, there being no power sufficient to resist, nor any aid from anywhere, nor any more favorable hope—what do they do? They dare a deed which indeed then, when they were prudent, was able to save them, but when they innovated,

they have now lost. For when they came to Athens, let no one here think that the Corinthians were insisting that we were pursuing them with deceit. For by the gods, we neither wished to deceive them nor to persuade them by other means to change sides to us. But when they came to Athens, with no one else stirring them except themselves, and entering the council chamber, they surrendered themselves. We omit to mention the entreaties, which would be entirely out of place, and the supplications and petitions they made privately to our most powerful men and publicly to all, so that they might be willing to accept them. But since we did not accept them at first, they did not withdraw, but pressed on much more, begging, and when even then none of us paid attention to them or nodded assent, they resorted to even more heated words. And finally they said, “If you do not accept us, we will set the barbarians against you. Consider then which you prefer.

later, either that we are yours and subject to you, Greeks to Greeks, or that we bow to barbarian commands to the common outrage of the Greek race. These things they said, and we yielded and agreed to accept them. For what else was there to do, unless we were about to hand over the city to barbarians? And we accepted these two things at once, considering that, if we accepted, the Corinthians would not be indignant, since the revolt had already occurred many years ago, and that they would rather be pleased if the Potidaeans stood with us and with Greeks generally than if they stood with their natural enemies, the barbarians. For this, they said, was to stand with brothers, who know the same gods and share in the same rites, sacrifices, and festivals.

But that was among the alien and most estranged from the race. We, on the contrary, thought we would suffer the opposite—that they would consider what had happened grievous and unbearable, and that they would hold us in enmity as they have never held any men. We say this, as events have now taught us, since if they held these thoughts in their inward reasoning even then, we cannot speak clearly; yet from outward signs one might guess that they seemed to have suffered nothing unpleasant. 13. As for all that the people had to expend from this—partly in equipping triremes, partly in hiring mercenary troops and gathering forces from home—I refrain from mentioning. But you, for heaven's sake, consider this: the place Potidaea, though Greek, lies in the midst of Thrace. The voyage between being long, it caused us great expense and very great anxiety. And there was also the fear that those we had received for safekeeping might at some point...

we might escape notice by destroying them. For this reason we spared nothing that pertained to our power, but, so that the guard might be sufficient, many soldiers were sailing there, and many wages naturally sailed along with them, and the expenses and everything that tends toward safety. And nothing was lacking for the Potidaeans to be prosperous, sitting quietly amid their own goods. And they were prosperous because of the Athenians, just as, of course, we were wretched because of them, spending, sailing out, campaigning, waging war, and this not to provide for ourselves, but to preserve what was available for others. And what the Potidaeans gave in return to the people for these things is shameful even to mention. So paltry a gift it was, or rather a shadow of a gift, or not even that. They said they were grateful and perceived the benefaction, and through these names: saviors, guardians, protectors.

our Athenians, things that one might purchase for two obols, they were fulfilling for us in their entirety. And this, indeed, seemed to us to be sufficiently due to philanthropy, and we supposed that we had the whole through the acknowledgment of the favor. And if they had chosen to be grateful to the end, never would the present circumstances have been accepted, nor would any of their possessions have been moved. Or we would have undergone this much earlier than they, with us protecting them. But what destroyed them and brought on the present misfortunes was the change to ingratitude and the alteration, which we, by the gods, did not suffer, but they themselves, having forgotten our forethought through which they were saved, and having become sated with the resulting prosperity, and having suffered the malady of the ill-nourished, all

changing their beginnings as they changed their provisions, and being similarly displeased with all. For in truth they were unable to contain great prosperity. And since it was necessary for them to suffer ill, they simultaneously conceived the plan to revolt from us, simultaneously revolted, simultaneously summoned the Corinthians, and interposed no time between thought and deed. 16. To these things, who would not have suffered the common experience of all men and, seized with anger, have immediately set out to destroy them? But not we at that time, even though the matter was exceedingly painful and unbearable and brought us much justification. Even if we had been moved to the point of slaughtering them, we certainly did not immediately upon the news proclaim to sail out, to take the field, to move our arms against the ungrateful, the thankless, the treaty-breakers, the accursed ones, both of the gods invoked in the oaths and of us, who after the gods preserved them; but rather, entering the council-chamber and passing a decree, which indeed you say surpasses all

lated to be humane, but it was for the Athenians to choose to save the Potidaeans again, only if they were willing, when they themselves were in need, to dwell in an unwalled city after demolishing the circuit wall. Having voted these measures, we sent out ambassadors to speak them and an army with the ambassadors, so that if they were not persuaded by words, they might at least be forced to yield by fear of arms. Not much time after this, the ambassadors arrived, the army arrived with them, words were spoken and threats along with the words. The Potidaeans on the other side saw, heard, and laughed; everything was long-winded nonsense to them, and they said, "O children of Athenians, if you think to persuade us or...

they were forcing to be brought to submission. Then, in addition to these things, the Olynthians, who dwell in the neighboring region, seeing the Potidaeans obey the Athenians, revolt; and this evil, like some other disease, spreading, touches also the Chalcidians, and they too revolt together. Then indeed Alexander, who was a friend of the people from his ancestors, becomes an enemy, and all our affairs in Thrace fell into sickness, having begun first from Potidaea. For those who are themselves of such a sort, and for such deeds having been caused by us, what punishment would one seem to inflict that is just? Others, perhaps, would all say that there is no just punishment here, for the wrongdoing far exceeds, so that even death itself is small in comparison to this.

18 I wrote coll. p. 70,22 ἐπὶ LV Schm 23 μὴ δ’ V think. We, however, were so far from not remembering humanity even here that we also gave orders to the generals who came after the first ones, bringing another army against Potidaea, and to those whom we sent third after them, conveying a third fleet to the same place, to all of them we gave instructions not to harm or damage anything, but only to attend to guarding, so that no one might enter unnoticed or again depart, and to try to win them over to us by words. But none of the things that were seen disturbed them—neither an army encamped nearby, nor weapons displayed, nor triremes sailing against triremes, nor anything terrible one might mention. So gentle were our dealings with them, and so unshakable were they in their resolve. Hence, surrounding them, the camp placed them under a strict siege. And what they themselves did when shut in, whether pious or impious, they themselves would know; but what we meanwhile

we did, since after a long time we had brought them to trial, neither barbaric punishments such as it was just for them to suffer, nor such as the law of soldiers wishes. For we certainly did not, after seizing them, take up arms against them, nor did we treat them as enemies, nor did we punish any of them in their life, but we ordered all of them to depart the city safe, and we left the ground to ourselves, having vented our anger.

we did not even against a single Potidaean, but against insensate nature, and, having let the guilty live, we exacted punishment from the innocent. And this is perhaps our impiety, that, sparing the race, we yielded to justice and did not take the penalty. 20. But it is not for this that the Corinthians say they have risen to accuse us; it is something else, which, as it is foolish, so also it is ridiculous, and would not require many words to demonstrate. What then do they say? A war which the Athenians had set in motion surrounded Potidaea, and it was being besieged; famine set in, and the Potidaeans tasted one another; and from this the Athenians are impious. But you, Corinthians, how are you not impious on account of this? Because you brought forward no pretext and none of you shared in the pollution? Neither did we bring forward any pretext nor did we share in it, so that in whatever way you acquit yourselves of the charge, in that same way, of course, you acquit us as well. For both of us are equally far from that which you allege. Therefore we are also far from the charge.

Similarly. Why then do you irrationally rush to accusation, knowing clearly that whatever you would say in accusation against us concerning these matters, that same argument will be available to us on equal terms? Therefore, one must not thoughtlessly direct blame against just anyone, but rather against the one who commits the offense. For this is just and fitting, as it is especially approved by the laws and is beneficial to all people, since vice is checked in no small part thereby; whereas the other course of action, besides being irrational, never benefits anyone. So those who do wrong, those who disregard the laws, those who sin in any way must be accused and brought to trial, and not others in their place. For otherwise, two worst consequences will result: those who do wrong will always escape paying the penalty, while the decent and good will suffer the fate of the impious.

neither will wickedness leave life nor will virtue be most greatly harmed, which indeed it is more necessary than anything to guard against, lest human affairs be turned upside down all too quickly. Or, by the gods, is it acceptable to you that if a temple-robber or a thief appeared in Corinth, you would let that one go free, but bring us others to trial in his place, so that the matter is not only unjust but also utterly ridiculous? For if the Corinthians are all temple-robbers because of that one man, and according to you the accusation must always be transferred, then the Argives and the neighboring Mantineans and we in Athens and all people would be such, and no one would be human. For the one who receives the accusation will always pass it on to another, and the charge, as it is carried, will neither rest upon anyone nor will it pass over everyone, so that the argument must necessarily be resolved into a riddle. But this is entirely absurd. It is absurd, then, that we are impious because the Potidaeans have committed impiety. And if you press further, the accusation will proceed along the path and will come

and we will also bring charges against you before the Corinthians, and we will accuse you in turn then, be well assured, relaxing nothing more vehemently. But it is not right to play thus. For all men who care for justice do not introduce one thing in place of another into their lawsuits, but whoever has done wrong is liable to prosecution among them, and the same person also inherits the accusation. If, then, the Potidaeans had tasted one another, they would be impious and the gods would destroy them utterly, but it seems to us that we share in their pollution only to the extent that those dwelling in Ecbatana and Susa and those most widely separated from them do. 24. But you besieged them, they say, and this happened during the siege. We did besiege them, and very justly. For they were enemies and foes, and, just as if they were friends, we submitted to helping them in every way.

would we be doing anything unjust by making war on those who responded in the opposite direction. For if we had taken up war against them when they had done us no wrong and had caused no harm, this would have been manifestly unjust, to wish to campaign against those with whom we had no difference and to join battle without pretext; and whoever had punished us for this would have acted most justly in our eyes, more than anyone else. But since they themselves, with no one summoning or compelling them, came, supplicated, entreated, and found us as they wished, and then turned to complete rebellion against the Athenians around them...

If we had taken up the matter with slight earnestness, where would be the justice in not waging war against them and in not exacting a penalty worthy of their contempt? Therefore, men of Hellas, we were both waging war and exacting a penalty—not at all worthy, but one which we thought sufficient. And the action was entirely lawful, for no law, no god, nor the common custom of men prevents repelling such persons. Indeed, the examples from the gods themselves, who from above strike with thunderbolts and hail, drown with waters, and in every way punish the impious and ungrateful among men, serve as instruction for the punishment of enemies. Moreover, the laws that establish judges for this purpose and teach the forms and methods of punishments provide great encouragement, so that if some have done evil, they also perish evilly. And of men

Even if you were to speak of the weakest and most moderate, who have the opportunity to pursue those who do wrong, they would not decline the undertaking. Thus from all sides it is urged to defend against enemies, and it is in no way prevented. This is precisely what we were doing, but the other thing in no way—I mean, to have them nurtured in such a way. For we saw no precedent for such great pollution, to which it would have been reasonable to look and imitate, even if countless others had turned to this madness, but for the Athenians it was not in their nature to extend their anger to such an extent, certainly not even if someone had shown himself to have caused them every harm. What is ancestral to them and proper for all time is to be eager to surpass justice in doing good.

They punish, when there is opportunity for this, not being precise, but even yielding a little from the moderate out of kindness. So that, even if we were besieging the Potidaeans, we were doing this aiming to exact a moderate penalty, but not so as to drive them into the necessity of touching the dead and persuade them to become, instead of enemies—what am I saying enemies?—instead of wild beasts, to one another. We would have been accused of impiety, if we intended this and our purpose was, by surrounding the city and seizing them with hunger and iron and all necessities, to push them toward such foods. But where they, free within the circuit, turning about from the towers, brandishing their weapons from above against the camp, when no enemy was pressing hard—no sword raised, no blow of iron, no burning fire, no noose, no other torture, while we were still calling them back to us, entreating, shouting: "Come to your senses, men of Potidaea, become your own masters, spare your own women.

Spare the children. Why do you desire to become your own murderers? It is in your power, by changing your resolve, to be saved; it is also in your power, if you harden yourselves once for all, to perish, if, when we set these terms before them, they, having opportunity to do what was proper, nevertheless hardened themselves until they destroyed themselves. Who is so shameless as to blame us for this? This was not the work of our disposition, but of their madness. And if you wish, go around Greece in a circle and seek whether the Athenians have ever done anything of this sort to people; and if you find it anywhere, let both be joined together, and say that we are impious from habit. The Thebans, along with the other Boeotians, were defeated by the city in many engagements; the Phocians and the Thessalians with them were also defeated; the Macedonians experienced our strength, and in addition to these, the Thracians from both nations.

Still many are in chains among us. But none of us have experienced what they claim. And why do we speak of the Greeks? Did the Persians not enslave our Ionians? Did they not carry off the Eretrians? Did they not come to Marathon with the same intention, to treat all Attica as they had Eretria? But having then brilliantly prevailed over them, and later when Xerxes advanced, stirring up all Asia against us, and afterwards in Cyprus and Pamphylia and elsewhere, it cannot be said that we brought such necessity upon any one or more of them. We did not set a barbarian feast before a barbarian, nor did we, stationing executioners, order them to strike, scourge, and slay. We have not so far forgotten human nature.

And we have fallen short of the virtue of the ancient Athenians, of whom nothing was so characteristic as piety and philanthropy. Of these we have indeed become heirs, with whom we associate throughout all time with all men. Therefore let no one hold us responsible for their impiety, but let them rather blame those very men who set before themselves that lawless table and partook of forbidden food upon it. As for those who blame us on account of these things, we say that they would not even allow the rulers in the cities to be blameless, because some who are cast into prison by them, before they can pay the penalty prescribed by the laws, and perhaps a more moderate one, themselves transgress against themselves and depart from life. But this is by no means the judgment of right reason. For one must not only consider that some were captured and confined in chains, but also whether they suffered these things unjustly. But if they have impiously

they were released, this contributes nothing to the one who held them being at fault; therefore it does not bring accusation against us either, if, while we were lawfully besieging the enemies, those impious men became lawless toward one another. 31. But if someone, being contentious, does not desist from saying that the siege forced these things, they themselves are the cause of this as well. For see: they were ours, ready to suffer anything rather than abandon us. We considered them friends on account of these things. They experienced the test of our friendship in deed. Then, like a ship turned by the wind to the opposite direction, they disregarded our care for them, they disregarded our zeal, they rejected the friendship, and, abandoning their compacts with one another, they departed into the form of enemies. From that point, immediately

for them, war and its terrors were at the gates. When it was necessary, after changing their counsel, to approach us, and upon approaching to entreat and, having entreated, to meet with more favorable treatment, nevertheless they were driven to desperation and perished. Thus the siege is not our work, but theirs, and the destruction that overtook them had no other authors than the very ones who perished. For most irrationally, having thrust themselves upon the swords of the Athenians, they are destroyed by them, and having kindled a great flame, they are caught by it. Or does it seem to you that even one of us would have been moved to act, or would have written the decree concerning the wall, if those men had not been contemplating revolution, if they had not been looking toward rebellion, if they had not become enemies instead of friends, foes instead of allies, and instead of allies, men taking up arms against us? But now, after their revolt—and would that it were only their own affair—but they perished, and for the Athenians, by their example, all the affairs in Thrace and Macedonia were lost, and not even now, after Poti—

less, when they had suffered far worse than what they had endured, was it not just for us to be moved? You are kind, Corinthians, turning the fortification and the siege this way and that, but not considering that the Potidaeans deserved to undergo these things. For what had they done to us that was worthy of being overlooked? Were we not laughed at? Were we not mocked by those men? Were we not deprived of so many expenditures over so many years, and did we not lose so much territory—more than it is easy to tell—which revolted because of them? Then what were we, being Athenians, to do in return for these things? Were we to lie back and sleep, living as if in ease?

I will leave aside whether the Lacedaemonians were there; but I also leave aside this: if you, Corinthians, had enjoyed such ingratitude from men, how would you have treated them? But why do I ask this? How you would have borne it has become clear to us from elsewhere, and your actions against the Corcyraeans bear good witness. For you sailed against them with no such charge, and you fought a sea battle, and you captured some of their ships empty, and you sank others with their crews, and you would not have stopped from sinking the island itself, if you could. Then do you consider it terrible if, as you did, we also treated our enemies from the other side? And Corinthians say that Corinthians do nothing unjust, if someone opposes them, to destroy them immediately, but if anyone grumbles about this, there is great complaint that he was an enemy, that he was violating treaties, that he was harming; Athenians

But if they go against the enemy, the Corinthians indict them for impiety. And how is this not unreasonable? It is proper to bring charges and to blame fittingly, O Corinthians, when, having done no wrong to them, we ourselves attacked them and harmed them, following only the desire to do injustice. But since they began to harm first—and how did they harm? By breaking the agreements, disregarding the treaties, dishonoring our forethought for them, dishonoring also our zeal, rendering vain both our labors and our hopes, and reaching the utmost contempt for our concerns—then the blame would have no reason if we proceeded against them. For you see the common law for all men, which urges taking up arms not against others but against such persons, and to harm in return the one who harms, and to retaliate.

to hate the one who hates and to scratch back at the one who scratches is not the property of any other than this doctrine. 36. But perhaps you urge that we, who have not transgressed justice even in the least, must pay the penalty, and you wish to introduce such a law against us, while for the Potidaeans, who commit the greatest transgressions, you hold no charge at all. Indeed, when the Lacedaemonians once inflicted small injuries on Attica, we retaliated to a greater extent, sailing around the entire Peloponnese and constantly ravaging it. And as for the Corinthians, when they dared to advance against us, we did not overlook

the more rather than the equal, and depart. And we sent an exile from all of Greece and, sailing against him into his Asia, it is not possible to say that we did not rightly exact recompense for the outrages committed against Greeks. And to these—I mean the extremities of the Greeks and the great king—we conducted ourselves with such a spirit; but shall we allow the Potidaeans to play against us and not discipline them, and through them the others? Shall we rather remain quiet and permit them to go unpunished, boasting so greatly, having laid a foundation for the contempt of others toward the Athenians? Death would be preferable for all of us than to live with such a reproach allotted to us. But it is not possible to say that those have not suffered justly, having become ungrateful and having changed from friends to rebellion and enmity; may similar things happen to those who, like them, prefer unjust ingratitude to rightful affection.

It would be most fitting, indeed, for life if all wickedness, and above all ingratitude, were removed—which is, in my view, the worst evil, as it approaches closest to impiety. For just as benefactions from the superior do not descend to humans because of the impious, so too, because of hatred of the ungrateful, no one wishes to practice philanthropy toward another. And that part of such persons prevents humans from communing with one another as nature ordained, and it is necessary, having changed to the manner of beasts, to incline toward savagery. Thus I say that nothing worse than ungrateful humans can be seen among existing things, since through this single vice they have introduced every wickedness into the common good. And

nothing among men exists because of them except enmities and wars and faithlessness and suspicion and deceit and falsehood and every form of evil, and nowhere are truth and genuine approach to one another found; for there is no one who conducts himself without pretense or sophistry. For this reason it is not just to pity such people nor to spare them, but rather to look upon them all savagely and to drive them from every land inhabited by men, having banished philanthropy, so far as they are concerned, and fairness from life, and having introduced unsociability and bestiality. For such a crime, if overlooked and unpunished, will not require much time before it infects everyone. And after this, how could anyone be willing to make an agreement with another or share his own possessions? How will anyone assist another and offer a hand to one in distress? Whom will he help? Whom will he take on, knowing that the one who receives a benefit, instead of owing gratitude, immediately becomes an enemy?

But I leave aside others. We ourselves, who are always accustomed to saving anyone who came in need, how shall we still hold to the philanthropy of our nature? Whom shall we pity and save when they are in danger? Whom shall we receive when they take refuge? Whom shall we champion, as we received and championed the Potidaeans when they had taken refuge? For I think no one will be so foolish as, after experience of one or two ungrateful men, to choose to benefit a third other. By this reasoning, even those who do good justly will suffer loss because of the forgetful, and this evil will corrupt all good things, so that it is necessary that this one thing be the concern of all.

shall we save? For it is the custom of men, if anyone anywhere should be found afflicted with such a condition, to attempt by every means to eradicate him and remove him from the midst. This we, having reasoned rightly, did to the Potidaeans, not in a manner worthy of their ruin, yet not far removed from the nature of the Athenians; and it would be well and sufficiently for us if, having been taught by small examples, they should become good and survive in life, or, having been utterly destroyed, should depart from existence. But if even so they will not abstain from wickedness, the penalty worthy of their audacity will be exacted from them as soon as possible. 41. Yet, although our punishment of them was thus deficient, the Corinthians are not satisfied, but say, "You have punished them impiously and inhumanely." How, good sirs, impiously and inhumanely? Were they not our enemies? Did they not conspire against us? Did they not count it a matter of prayer that we should suffer any and every terrible thing?

of two such persons? But is it not necessary, instead of these, to slaughter them and bury them or drown them or destroy them by fire? Then what of these things happened to them at our hands? None of these things, but on the contrary everything. No one died, certainly not at the hands of the Athenians, but as we in time took the city, we preserved them, allowed them to live, and permitted them to go about freely, though they were not worthy of receiving any such treatment. And apart from what we have said, who has ever legislated concerning war and introduced measures and modes of battle, prescribing that it should proceed only so far, but no further, and that one should engage in this way but not at all in that way, and that enemies should be treated or punished in this manner but not in that, and that we must follow him or, if not following, be censured and pay penalties as having conducted the contest unlawfully and unjustly? There is no one who has legislated these things.

the contrary, they all say that one must arrange battles as the occasion demands, and this is a common law for all, that each person conducts the war according to the circumstances that arise. What then remains? Pretending ignorance of things commonly known, you bring charges against us for things that are unhindered, and while wishing to accuse others, you give others grounds for accusation against yourselves. Or can you say that there are some people among whom these things are observed, or if not among any others, at least among you Corinthians? And did any law or reason ever prevent you from using the resources at hand in the present battle?

Do you not also pursue advantage by every means? Do you not contrive? Do you not set ambushes? Do you not conceal companies? Do you not attack covertly? Do you not besiege the cities of your enemies? Do you not destroy by famine? Do you not ravage by fire? Do you not cut down the surrounding countryside? Do you not resort to every means for the single end of appearing superior? What then? The very things that you yourselves have never been seen to observe, and for which no one has ever reproached you, do you now charge us with not observing? So be it. But who, in the name of the gods, has done impious and unholy deeds to the Potidaeans? None of the Athenians, by the gods. For we waged war against them lawfully and justly, but they, driven mad against each other, were destroyed by their own hands. And a fine device, O violated justice, you devised against them, at once putting an end to their wickedness and ingratitude, and at the same time forestalling the impulses of those who would later imitate those accursed men. As indeed you ought always to be such to all the wicked.

stand still and to raise up the injustices of men with equal speed. 45. Indeed, Potidaeans, O Lacedaemonians, have thus rendered to us, and thus also to the gods wronged before us, the fitting recompense; but the Corinthians accuse us, not so much because they are deeply pained by those events as because they are moved by their envy toward us. How is this clear? From the fact that, although they rose to speak and had the sufferings of the Potidaeans as a pretext for their speech, they have said less about those matters, while their lengthy speech was stirring you up for war against us. Or do you not remember how they were urging you on like generals?

soldiers: why do you sit idle? why have you lain back as if for sleep? why do you not take up the Dorian and ancestral spirit? do you not see the men how they grow and advance and think more greatly than their nature? will you not restrain them? will you not cast them down? will you not humble them before they become invincible? 46. And as for the pretext they have set before us, it has turned out, as you see, to be a contest directed against us, though it had another purpose; but for us, a brief speech would suffice for these things, which we will deliver immediately and then descend. Now, that they wish to become greater than themselves and always to advance, we do not deny, since this is a task pursued not only by the Athenians, not only by the Greeks, but also by these men and by barbarians and, so to speak, by all men. For we know that the desire for more is ingrained by nature in all, and if one were to choose to pursue this individually among all men, he would never find the argument failing anywhere. And this would by no means be out of place, if according to the nature common to all

We too are men and aim to become better and greater than ourselves. Yet what is nevertheless in such a matter different for us and not easy to observe among certain others is that, while all others know no distinction between their own and foreign things in this respect, but are eager that their own advancement come equally from all sources, for us this is not so managed. Rather, we love and cherish the entire Greek race and would wish every good to come to them, and indeed we use as much fairness and equality toward them as possible, overlooking even our own advantage, if this is going to benefit all in common; but we always hate barbarians and war against them and are contentious.

from their own deeds they have become more renowned and more conspicuous than themselves. And if someone examines how we, from small beginnings, have become great, he will find that it is from no other source than from barbarian trophies that we have become such. First of all, straightaway, when our Theseus was among the living, we defeated the Amazons—women, one might perhaps say, but far surpassing the nature of men—and from this we gained no small advancement. Next, crossing into Asia, we besieged Sardis, and the gold from there greatly elevated the affairs of the Athenians. Third, we set up the trophy at Marathon and advanced as far as possible. And fourth, the finest upon the finest, fighting at sea at Salamis and at Plataea, and

fighting on land we displayed ourselves and have become greater than ourselves, as is fitting. Another point in addition to what has been said is that which Cimon nobly accomplished on one and the same day, fighting both on land and at sea on the king’s sea and land, and we Athenians gained the greatest renown among all. These things elevated us, O Lacedaemonians, and made us great, not, as these men claim, because we happened to contend against Greece. For we never began a war against Greeks; but if someone wronged us first, he both rendered the war necessary and provoked us against him, since it is our nature to be friendly and moderate toward one who does not knowingly wrong us, and hostile toward one who is unwilling to observe justice. And of the islands and cities which we now hold, we have unjustly seized not one. For we did not acquire them by force or by right of conquest, but because their rulers and peoples invited us to themselves, perhaps because our common