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Commonitorium De Coelestio Imperatori Oblatum

Marius Mercator · ogl-pl

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Summary

Marius Mercator's Commonitorium De Coelestio Imperatori Oblatum is a formal libellus addressed to Emperor Theodosius II, defending his earlier anti-Pelagian writings and attacking the Pelagian leader Coelestius. Composed around 418–419 CE, shortly after the Council of Carthage (418) condemned Pelagianism, the work survives in a single manuscript tradition from the 9th–10th centuries, with signs of scribal interpolation. It was cited by Prosper of Aquitaine and later medieval canonists like Gratian as a key witness against Pelagianism. The text does not include the full imperial rescripts or conciliar canons it quotes.

The Commonitorium is a crucial primary source for the Pelagian controversy, demonstrating the intersection of theology and imperial politics in the early 5th century. It was cited by Prosper of Aquitaine and later canonists like Gratian, shaping medieval anti-Pelagian tradition. Its survival in a single manuscript highlights the fragility of such texts.

Historical context

The Commonitorium was composed around 418–419 CE, shortly after the Council of Carthage (418) condemned Pelagianism and the imperial rescript of Honorius. Marius Mercator, a Latin-speaking theologian active in Constantinople, addressed this memorandum to Emperor Theodosius II to defend his earlier anti-Pelagian writings and attack Coelestius, a key figure in the Pelagian controversy condemned at Carthage (411) and later at Ephesus (431). The work is a formal libellus (petition) presented to the imperial court, signaling a legal-style brief. It survives only in a single manuscript tradition, likely copied in the 9th–10th centuries, with scribal interpolations in the opening and closing formulae. The text was originally composed in Greek for the Constantinopolitan church, then translated into Latin by Mercator himself, indicating a bilingual audience. The memorandum led to Coelestius's expulsion from Constantinople, underscoring the political dimension of the controversy.

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113 commentary units 21 background19 structure16 reception16 term15 scripture13 caution5 dating5 sense3 transmission 10 derived notes 34 open questions 20 narrative
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  • coverageNo English translation could be identified: a language model asked twice could not name one, though it could not rule one out either. That is not proof that none exists — translations in dissertations, recent books and other modern languages are easily missed.
  • limitThe English is a machine draft produced passage by passage from the transcribed Coptic; no human has verified it. The commentary is model-written and cites only keys the pipeline could resolve.
  • registerRegister: treatise in Latin; the English keeps the liturgical formulae and the vocatives rather than normalising them.
  • structurePassages: 20 narrative.
  • caution10 passage(s) are fragmentary in the source; the English bridges each break and says so in the note.
  • sourceSource edition: ogl-pl — Available under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License

Term index

CopticRenderingCountFirst
no glossary terms recorded
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MARII MERCATORIS COMMONITORIUM DE COELESTIO IMPERATORI OBLATUM, Cujus titulus est in antiquis exemplaribus: Exemplum a Commonitorii quod super nomine Coelestii Graeco sermone a Mercatore datum est, non solum a Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae, sed etiam plurimis religiosissimis viris; oblatum quoque piissimo principi Theodosio semper augusto; idipsum ex Graeco in Latinum translatum per eumdem Marium Mercatorem Christi servum,d in consulatu Florentii et Dionysii VV. CC. per quod Commonitorium cognito funestissimo errore, e imperiali praecepto, tam Julianus defensor et sequax ejus, cum caeteris sociis et participibus suis, quam postea idem Coelestius, de Constantinopolitana urbe detrusi, in synodo quoque Ephesiensi a ducentorum septuaginta quinque episcoporum sententia postmodum in praesenti damnati sunt. CAPUT PRIMUM. De causa Coelestii. quomodo acta est Carthagine, Constantinopoli et Romae,
English
Marius Mercator's Memorandum concerning Coelestius, Presented to the Emperor, The title of which in the ancient copies is: A copy of the Memorandum which was given by Mercator in the Greek language concerning the name of Coelestius, not only to the Church of Constantinople, but also to very many most religious men; also presented to the most pious prince Theodosius, ever Augustus; the same translated from Greek into Latin by the same Marius Mercator, servant of Christ, in the consulship of Florentius and Dionysius, most illustrious men; through which Memorandum, after the most ruinous error was recognized, by imperial decree both Julian, the defender and follower of him, together with his other associates and participants, and later the same Coelestius, were thrust out of the city of Constantinople, and were afterwards condemned in the present by the sentence of two hundred and seventy-five bishops in the Synod of Ephesus. CHAPTER ONE. Concerning the case of Coelestius: how it was conducted at Carthage, Constantinople, and Rome.
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e Coelestius quidam, eunuchus matris utere editus, discipulus et auditor Pelagii,e ante viginti plus minus annos egressus ex urbe Romana Carthaginem Africa: totius metropolim venit, ibique de infra scriptis capitulis apud Aurelium episcopum memoratae urbis per libellum a quodam Paulino a Diacono (??)(??)(??)(??)(??)ae memoriae Ambrosii Mediolanensis episcopi est accusatus, sicut gestorum confectio se habet, quibus idem libellus inseritis est (quorum gestorum exemplaria habemus in manibus), tamquam boc non solum ipse doceret, sed et per provine(??)as conspirantes sibi diversos, qui haec per populos disseminarent, misisset, id est: Adam mortalem factum, qui sive peccaret, sive non peccaret, moriturus fuisset. Quoniam peccatum Adae ipsum solum laesit, et non genus humanum. Quoniam parvuli, qui nascuntur in eo statu sunt in quo luit Adam ante praevaricationem.
English
Coelestius, a certain eunuch born from his mother's womb, a disciple and hearer of Pelagius, came forth from the city of Rome about twenty years more or less ago to Carthage in Africa, the metropolis of the whole province. There he was accused before Aurelius, bishop of the said city, concerning the chapters written below, by means of a libellus from a certain Paulinus, a deacon of blessed memory Ambrose, bishop of Milan, as the record of the proceedings has it, in which the same libellus is inserted (of which proceedings we have copies in our hands), on the ground that he not only taught this himself, but also sent throughout the provinces various persons conspiring with him, who would disseminate these things among the peoples, that is: That Adam was made mortal, and that whether he sinned or did not sin, he would have died. That the sin of Adam injured him alone, and not the human race. That infants who are born are in the same state in which Adam was before the transgression.
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Quoniam neque per mortem, vel praevaricationem Adae, omne genus hominum moritur; neque per resurrectionem Christi omne hominum genus resurgit [Bal, resorgat]. Quoniam lex sic mittit ad regnum coelorum, quomodo ei Evangelium. Quoniam et ante adventum Domini fuerunt homines impeccabiles, id est, sine peccato. De quibus omnibus capitulis, ut constat ex suprascriptis exemplaribus synodalium gestorum, Patres et episcopi regionis illius restiterunt Coelestio, et jusserunt ut eadem condemnaret, quia essent haeretici sensus. e Sed Coelestius nullo mode acquiescens, quin immo resistens actis eisdem [Bal. add. quibus frequenter auditus est]. ecclesiastica a communione privatus est. A qua sententia ad sum Asiae Romani episcopi examen credidit appellandum; qua mox idem ipse appellatione neglecta, Ephesum Asiae urbem contendit, ibique ausus est per obreptionem locum a presbyterii petere.
English
Since neither through the death or transgression of Adam does the whole human race die, nor through the resurrection of Christ does the whole human race rise again. Since the Law sends to the kingdom of heaven in the same way as the Gospel. Since even before the coming of the Lord there were men impeccable, that is, without sin. Concerning all which chapters, as is evident from the above-written copies of the synodal acts, the Fathers and bishops of that region opposed Coelestius, and ordered that he condemn the same, because they were heretical opinions. But Coelestius in no way acquiesced, but rather resisted those same acts, by which he was frequently heard. He was deprived of ecclesiastical communion. From which sentence he believed he should appeal to the examination of the Roman bishop of Asia; but soon, that appeal being neglected, he hastened to Ephesus, a city of Asia, and there dared by surreptitious means to seek a place from the presbytery.
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Inde post aliquantos annos, sub sanctae memoriae Attico episcopo, urbem Constantinopolitanam petiit, ubi in similibus detectus magno studio sancti illius viri ex praedicta alma urbe detrusus est, litteris super ejus nomine, et in Asiam, et Thessalonicam, et Garthaginem ad episcopus missis, quarum exemplaria habentes proferre sumus parati. Praedictus tamen Coelestius etiam hine ejectus, ad urbem Romanam sub sanctae memoriae Zosimo episcopo tota festinatione perrexit; ubi actis (quorum exemplaria habemus) interrogatus, cum ab illo cognitore aliquatenus terreretur, crebris responsionibus et prosecutionibus suis spem a praeseminavit, condemnare se illa capitula de quibus apud Carthaginem fuerat accusatus promittens. Id enim et instantius Jubebatur [Bal. add. ab eoque vehementius ut id faceret exspectabatur,] atque ob hoc ipsum nonnulla illius sancti sacerdotis humanitate dignus est habitus; et sic epistolam quamdam benignitatis plenam ad Afros episcopos meruit;e qua ille abusus est, vel adhuc abutitur ad multorum ignorantium deceptionem.
English
Then, after some years, under Bishop Atticus of blessed memory, he sought the city of Constantinople, where, having been detected in similar errors, he was expelled from the aforementioned venerable city through the great zeal of that holy man, with letters concerning his name sent to the bishops of Asia, Thessalonica, and Carthage, copies of which we have and are prepared to produce. Nevertheless, the aforementioned Coelestius, even after being expelled from there, proceeded with all haste to the city of Rome under Bishop Zosimus of blessed memory; where, in the acts (copies of which we possess), when interrogated, being somewhat intimidated by that judge, through his frequent responses and statements he sowed hope beforehand, promising to condemn those chapters of which he had been accused at Carthage. For this was more insistently demanded [Bal. adds: and he was more vehemently expected to do so], and on this account he was deemed worthy of some humanity from that holy priest; and thus he obtained a certain letter full of kindness to the African bishops, which letter he has abused, or still abuses, to deceive many who are ignorant.
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Episcopis a vero ex Africa rescribentibus, omnemque causam quae apud eos facta fuerat exponentibus, missis etiam gestis exinde quae fuerant tunc cum illo vel de illo confecta, vocatus ad audientiam pleniorem, ut quae promiserat festinaret implere, id est, ut damnatis praedictis capitulis, sententia Afrorum pontificum, qua fuerat communione privatus, absolveretur, non solum non adfuit, sed etiam ex memorata Romana urbe profugit, atque ob hoc a beatae memoriae praedicto Zosimo episcopo e scriptis amplissimis vel longissimis perdamnatus est, in quibus et ipsa capitula de quibus accusatus fuerat continentur, et omnis causa, tam de Coelestio suprascripto quam de Pelagio magistro ejus pra- Vi(??)cre, a videtur esse narrata; quorum scriptorum et nos hic habemus exemplaria, et ad Orientales Ecclesias, AEgypti dioecesin;, et Constantinopolim, et Thessalonicam, et Hierosolymam, similia eademque scripta ad episcopos transmissa esse suggerimus.
English
The bishops from Africa, writing back to the truth, and setting forth the entire case which had been conducted among them, also sending the acts which had then been drawn up with him or concerning him, he was summoned to a fuller hearing, so that he might hasten to fulfill what he had promised, that is, that after the condemnation of the aforesaid chapters, he might be absolved from the sentence of the African pontiffs by which he had been deprived of communion. Not only did he not appear, but he even fled from the aforementioned city of Rome, and for this reason he was condemned in writing, very fully and at great length, by the aforementioned Zosimus of blessed memory, in which writings both the chapters themselves of which he had been accused are contained, and the entire case, both concerning the aforementioned Coelestius and concerning his master Pelagius, seems to be narrated; of which writings we also have copies here, and we suggest that similar and identical writings were transmitted to the Eastern Churches, the diocese of Egypt, and to Constantinople, and Thessalonica, and Jerusalem, to the bishops.
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CAPUT II. De Pelagii doctrina, cujusmodi cognoscitur ex ipsiu(??) scriptis. Ut autem et Pelagius cum ipso [Bal. isto] pariter damnaretur, istud in causa est. Ausus est memoratus ante a vastationem urbis Romae in apostolum Paulum commentarios condere, et his edere, de quorum amicitia praesumebat; explanare autem se putavit singula Apostoli verba vel sensus. In Epistola igitur quae est ad Romanos, cum ad illa loca venisset ubi vas electionis ita loquitur: Propterea sicut per unum hominem in hunc mundum peccatum intravit, et per peccatum mors, et ita in omnes homines mor(??) pertransiit (Rom. v, 12); hactenus credidit exponendum.e Quem librum ejus habemus, et proferimus ad convincendum inimicum ejus errorem. Ita ergo idem ait: « Per unum hominem peccatum intravit in mundum, et per peccatum mors: Exemplo, inquit, seu imagine usus est, quia sicut eum non esset peccatum, per Adam subintravit; sic et cum non remansisset justitia apud aliquem, vita per Christum reparata est. »
English
CHAPTER II. Concerning the doctrine of Pelagius, of what sort it is known from his own writings. But so that Pelagius might be condemned together with him [Bal. that man] as well, this is the reason. The aforementioned man dared, before the devastation of the city of Rome, to compose commentaries on the Apostle Paul, and to publish these, relying on the friendship of those for whom he presumed; he thought, however, to explain each individual word or sense of the Apostle. Therefore, in the Epistle which is to the Romans, when he had come to those places where the vessel of election speaks thus: "Therefore, just as through one man sin entered into this world, and through sin death, and thus it passed through to all men" (Rom. 5:12), he believed it was to be expounded up to that point. We have that book of his, and we produce it to convict the error of his enemy. Thus the same man says: "Through one man sin entered into the world, and through sin death: He used, he says, an example or image, because just as when there was no sin, it crept in through Adam; so also when righteousness had remained with no one, life was restored through Christ.
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« Et in omnes homines mors pertransiit: Cum sic, inquit qui peccant similiter et moriuntur, neque enim aut in Abraham, aut in Isaac, aut in Jacob mors pertransiit, de quibus Dominus ait: Huic [Bal. hi] omnes vivunt {Luc, xx, 38). Hic autem, inquit, propterea dicit omnes mortuos, quoniam multitudine peccatorum non excipiuntur pauci justi, sicut et ibi inquit: Non est qui faciat bonitatem, non est usque ad unum (Psal. lii,2,4). Et iterum illud inquit: Omnis homo mendax (Psal. cxv,11), aut certe in illos omnes pertransiit [Bal. inquit], qui humano ritu, non coelesti, sunt conversati. » Et post pauca: « Sed regnavit mors ab Adam usque ad Moysem, etiam in eos qui non a praevaricaverunt in similitudinem praevaricationis Adae (Rom. v, 14): Sive cum non esset, inquit, qui inter justum et injustum discerneret, putabat mors se omnium dominari, sive in eos qui mandatum tamquam Adam praevaricati sunt, hoc est, de filiis Noe,quibus praeceptum est ut animam in sanguine non manducarent, et de filiis Abraham, quibus circumcisio mandata est; sed [Bal. add. et] in eos qui, praeter mandatum, legem contempserant naturalem. »
English
«And death passed through to all men: Since, he says, those who sin similarly also die, for death did not pass through to Abraham, or Isaac, or Jacob, of whom the Lord says: These all live (Luke 20:38). But here, he says, he speaks of all as dead, because the multitude of sinners does not exclude the few just, just as there he says: There is no one who does good, not even one (Psalm 52:2,4). And again he says this: Every man is a liar (Psalm 115:11), or certainly it passed through to all, he says, who lived by human custom, not by heavenly custom.» And after a little: «But death reigned from Adam until Moses, even over those who did not transgress in the likeness of Adam’s transgression (Romans 5:14): Whether, he says, when there was no one to distinguish between the just and the unjust, death thought it ruled over all, or over those who transgressed the commandment like Adam, that is, among the sons of Noah, to whom it was commanded not to eat blood with the soul, and among the sons of Abraham, to whom circumcision was commanded; but also, he says, over those who, beyond the commandment, had despised the natural law.»
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« Qui est forma futuri (Ibid.): Quoniam, inquit, sicut Adam praeter coitum a Deo formatus est, sic et Christus a [Bal. ex] Virgine, fabricante Spiritu saneto, processit; sive, sicut quidam dicunt, forma a contrario, hoc est [Bal. add. sicut ille caput peccati, sic etiam [Bal. omit. etiam] iste caput justi-(??) tiae. Est. » « Sed non sicut delicium, ita et donum (Ibid. 15): Ne in forma, inquit, aequalitas putaretur. » « Si enim in unius praevaricatione multi mortui sunt, multo magis donum et gratia Dei per unum horninem Christum in multos abundavit (lbidem). Plus valuit, inquit Apostolus, gratia in vivificando, quam peccatum in occidendo: quia Adam non se solum, sed et suos posteros interfecit; Christus vero et eos qui tunc erant in corpore, et eos qui postea futuri erant, liberavit. » Hic sollicitus catholicus lector notet quid dicat, « Adam, non sibi soli, sed et posteris suis nocuisse. » Tene superiorem definitionem ejus: posteros enim hic dicit non omnes ubique et omnino totos [Bellov. non omnes omnino et ubique totos] homines lasos illius peccato, sed illos tantum qui per imitationem similiter suis peccatis et propriis factis sunt rei praevaricationis, sicut Adam; qui sine dubio ii ipsi pronepotes ejus, ct posteri esse inveniuntur.
English
«Who is the form of the future» (Ibid.): Because, he says, just as Adam was formed by God without coitus, so Christ proceeded from the Virgin, the Holy Spirit fashioning him; or, as some say, a form by contrast, that is, just as that one is the head of sin, so also this one is the head of righteousness. «But not as the offense, so also the gift» (Ibid. 15): Lest, he says, equality be thought in the form. «For if many died in the transgression of one, much more did the gift and grace of God through one man Christ abound to many» (Ibid.). The Apostle says that grace was more powerful in giving life than sin in killing: because Adam killed not only himself but also his descendants; Christ, however, freed both those who were then in the body and those who were to come afterward. Here the attentive Catholic reader should note what he says: «Adam harmed not only himself but also his descendants.» Hold fast to his earlier definition: for here he says «descendants» not all men everywhere and entirely harmed by that sin, but only those who through imitation are similarly guilty of transgression by their own sins and deeds, just as Adam; who without doubt are found to be his own great-grandsons and descendants.
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« Hi autem, inquit, qui contra traducem peccati sentiunt, e acriter eos qui defendunt traducem, impugnare conantur: Si peccatum, inquiunt, Adae etiam non peccantibus nocuit, ergo et Christi justitia non credentibus prodest; quoniam similiter, immo plus dicit Apostolus, per unum liberari quam per unum ante perierat. Deinde dicunt:Si baptismus mundat antiquum illud veternosumque peccatum, qui de duobus baptizatis nati fuerint, debent hoc carere peccato; non enim poterunt ad posteros transmittere, quod ipsi minime habuerint [Bal. habuerunt]. In hoc addunt: Quoniam si anima non est ex traduce, sicut nec est, sed sola caro habet traaucem peccati, sola et poenam meretur: injustum est enim ut hodie nata anima non ex massa Adae tam antiquum peccatum portet alienum: quin et rationabile est ut Deus, qui propria peccata dimittit, a non imputet alienum. »
English
«But those,» he says, «who hold against the transmission of sin, and sharply try to attack those who defend the transmission, say: If the sin of Adam harmed even those who do not sin, then the justice of Christ also benefits those who do not believe; since the Apostle says similarly, indeed more strongly, that through one man we are freed than that through one man we had previously perished. Then they say: If baptism cleanses that ancient and long-standing sin, those born from two baptized parents ought to be free of this sin; for they will not be able to transmit to their descendants what they themselves did not have. To this they add: Since the soul is not from the transmission, just as it is not, but only the flesh has the transmission of sin, only the flesh deserves the penalty; for it is unjust that a soul born today, not from the mass of Adam, should bear such an ancient sin that is alien to it; indeed, it is reasonable that God, who forgives one's own sins, should not impute another's sin.»
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Et iterum in alio sermone suo idem Pelagius: « Si peccator, inquit, genuit peccatorem, ut parvulo ejus peccatum originale in baptismi acceplione solvatur: justus ergo justum gignere debuit. e Si parentes,inquit,post conversionem propria peccata non laedunt, multo magis filiis eorum per eos nocere non poterunt [Bal. potuerunt]. Si priorem hominem contigit causam mortis fuisse [Bal. fecisse], ergo per Christi adventum mori jam non oportebat. Si per peccatum Adae mors orta esset, numquam post remissionem peccatorum, quam nobis liberatos donavit, moreremur. Plus ergo valuit peccatum Adae omnes omnino homines occidendo, quam Christi gratia in salvando, quae non omnibus, sed tantum credentibus profuit: neque enim omnes qui nascuntur ex Adam, ii etiam renascuntur in Christo. » Et reliqua. CAPUT III. De condemnatione Pelagii et Coelestii, et Pelagii praesertim, tum a Romanis pontificibus Innocentia et Zosimo, tum a Patribus Diospolitanis et Theodoto Antiochiae episcopo.
English
And again in another sermon of his, the same Pelagius says: «If a sinner,» he says, «begot a sinner, so that the original sin of his infant is absolved in the reception of baptism, then a just man ought to beget a just man. If parents,» he says, «after conversion, their own sins do not harm them, much less will they be able to harm their children through them. If the first man happened to be the cause of death, then by the coming of Christ it ought no longer to be necessary to die. If death arose through the sin of Adam, we would never die after the remission of sins, which he granted to us when freed. Therefore the sin of Adam availed more by killing absolutely all men than the grace of Christ in saving, which benefited not all, but only believers: for not all who are born from Adam are also reborn in Christ.» And the rest. CHAPTER III. On the condemnation of Pelagius and Coelestius, and especially of Pelagius, both by the Roman pontiffs Innocent and Zosimus, and by the Fathers of Diospolis and Theodotus, bishop of Antioch.
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a Quae omnia suprascripta capitula, ut jam superius dictum est, continet illa beatae memoriae episcopi Zosimi epistola, quae tractoria dicitur, qua Coelestius Pelagiusque damnati sunt; quae et Constantinopolim, et a per totum orbem missa subscriptionibus sanctorum Patrum est roborata; cui Julianus, et reliqui complices e subscribere detrectantes, consentaneosque se nolentes iisdem Patribus facere, non solum imperialibus legibus, sed eta sacerdotalibus statutis depositi atque exauctorati, et [Baluz. ex] omni Italia deturbati sunt: ex quibus plurimi resipientes et a praedicto errore correcti regressi sunt supplices ad sedem apostolicam, et suscepti suas Ecclesias receperunt. Praedicti sane Coelestius et Pelagius, e non tune primo a sanctae memoriae Zosimo videntur esse damnati, sed ab ejus decessore sanctae recordationis Innocentio, a quo et Julianus fuerat ordinatus, quique post illorum damnationem, e usque ad praedicti Innocentii [Baluz, add. episcopi] excessum e vita, in ejus communione permanens, et perseverans in sincera sententia, et communicans damnatori praedictorum, ipse quoque sine dubio Pelagium Coelestiumque damnavit,a et quid nunc desiderat, aut de quo queritur, ignoramus.
English
All these above-written chapters, as has already been said above, are contained in that letter of blessed memory Bishop Zosimus, which is called the Tractoria, by which Coelestius and Pelagius were condemned; which letter was sent to Constantinople and throughout the whole world, and was confirmed by the subscriptions of the holy Fathers; to which Julian and the remaining accomplices, refusing to subscribe and unwilling to make themselves in agreement with those same Fathers, were not only by imperial laws but also by priestly statutes deposed and stripped of their office, and driven out from all Italy: from among whom very many, coming to their senses and corrected from the aforesaid error, returned as suppliants to the apostolic see, and were received and recovered their Churches. The aforesaid Coelestius and Pelagius, indeed, do not seem to have been condemned then for the first time by Zosimus of holy memory, but by his predecessor Innocent of holy recollection, by whom also Julian had been ordained, who after their condemnation, and up to the passing from life of the aforesaid Bishop Innocent, remaining in his communion, and persevering in sincere opinion, and communicating with the condemner of the aforesaid, he himself also without doubt condemned Pelagius and Coelestius, and what he now desires, or about what he complains, we do not know.
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Ut autem a sanctae recordationis Innocentio damnarentur, talis exstitit causa. e Post Romanae urbis vastationem, in Palaestina degebat Pelagius. Inventi sunt a quibusdam studiosis episcopis e libri ejus, in quibus multa et varia adversus fidem catholicam conscripta esse videntor. Hi cum litteris in Africam Patribus et episcopis missi sunt, ubi a tribus conciliis congregatis memorati lecti sunt libri. Exinde relationibus Romam missis, ipsis quoque libris pariter destinatis, apostolica sententia rescribentis ad praedicta concilia emanavit, quae eosdem ipsos, Coelestium Pelagiumque, ecclesiastica communione privavit, quorum scriptorum exemplaria habemus in manibus. Adhuc etiam Hierosolymis constitutas Pelagras accusatus fuit apud synodum, et primo quidem tergiversando, ambiguis quibusdam se professionibus tegens, et prosequens dubia, vel respondens, illam tunc videtur episcoporum audientiam de(??)rsisse.
English
However, the reason they were condemned by Innocent of blessed memory was as follows. After the sack of the city of Rome, Pelagius was living in Palestine. Some zealous bishops discovered his books, in which many and various things appeared to be written against the Catholic faith. These were sent with letters to the Fathers and bishops in Africa, where they were read in three assembled councils. Then, after reports were sent to Rome, along with the books themselves, the apostolic sentence was issued in reply to the aforementioned councils, which deprived those same individuals, Coelestius and Pelagius, of ecclesiastical communion; we have copies of these writings in our hands. Furthermore, while still in Jerusalem, Pelagius was accused before a synod, and at first, by prevaricating, covering himself with certain ambiguous professions, and pursuing evasions or giving responses, he seems at that time to have deceived the hearing of the bishops.
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Sed postmodum evidenter deprehensus, insistentibus accusatoribus, a e posteriore synodo, cui sanetae memoriae a Theodolus Antiochiae praesedit episcopus, atque detectus, a sanctis quoque et venerabilibus Hierosolymorum lociu est deturbatus. Quod ejusdem [Baluz. Ejusdemque] sancti Theodoti ad reverendissimum urbis Romae episcopum, et sanctae recordationis e Praylii Hierosolymitani episcopi missa scripta testantur, quorum exemplaria ad documentum habemus in manibus. CAPUT IV. De communim utriusque haeretici sententia et condemnatione. In ipsa autem accusatione capitulorum, quae eidem tunc Pelagio objecta sunt, etiam hoc continebatur, cum aliis exsecrandis, quae discipulus ejus Coelestius sentiebat: id est, (??) Infantes, etiamsi non baptizentur, habere vitam aeternam. » Illud quoque, quod superius positum est capitulum, sentiri, a Coelestio, et esse consentaneum magistri sui doctrinae memoravimus, id est, « Legem sic mittere ad regnum coelorum, sicut Evangelium; » Pelagius quibusdam scriptis suis aperte confirmat atque pronuntiat.
English
But afterwards he was clearly caught, with his accusers pressing, and was exposed by the later synod over which Theodotus of blessed memory, bishop of Antioch, presided, and was also cast out by the holy and venerable bishops of Jerusalem. The writings of the same holy Theodotus to the most reverend bishop of the city of Rome, and of Praylius of blessed memory, bishop of Jerusalem, bear witness to this, copies of which we hold in our hands as evidence. CHAPTER IV. On the shared opinion of both heretics and their condemnation. In the very accusation of the chapters that were then brought against Pelagius, this also was included, among other abominable things, which his disciple Coelestius held: that is, "Infants, even if they are not baptized, have eternal life." Also that chapter set forth above, which we recalled was held by Coelestius and was consistent with the teaching of his master, namely, "The Law sends to the kingdom of heaven in the same way as the Gospel," Pelagius openly confirms and declares in certain of his writings.
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Denique libellus est ejus, quem habemus in manibus, ad quamdam e Livaniam viduam, sermo· nem continens exhortatorium, in quo ita habetur; « Simplicitatem, inquit, sequi Christi famulam decet: non hanc quae stultitia magis est quam simplicitas, sed illam de qua scripsit [Baluz. Scriptura dicit ]: a Benedicta anima omnis simplex ( Proverb· xi, 27, sec. Septuag.); dicente alibi Scriptura: Maledictus omnis homo qui non permanet in omnibus quae scripta sunt in libro legis, ut faciat ea(Deut. xxvii, 26). Hinc, inquit, ostenditur non esse simplicitatem veram quae Dei mandata insensata securitate contemnit, sed eam quae legis praecepta sapienti timore custodit; dicente enim, maledictum esse eum qui non permanet in his quae scripta sunt, a contrario benedictum esse non vult qui non omnia praecepta servaverit. Et si omnis simplex benedictus est, ergo simplex ille est qui omnia praecepti legis implerent. »
English
Finally, there is his little book, which we have in our hands, addressed to a certain widow named Livaniam, containing an exhortatory discourse, in which it is stated: "It is fitting," he says, "for a handmaid of Christ to follow simplicity: not that which is more foolishness than simplicity, but that about which Scripture says: 'Blessed is the soul that is simple' (Proverbs 11:27, according to the Septuagint); and elsewhere Scripture says: 'Cursed is every man who does not abide by all that is written in the book of the law, so as to do them' (Deuteronomy 27:26). Hence," he says, "it is shown that true simplicity is not that which despises God's commandments with senseless security, but that which guards the precepts of the law with wise fear; for since it is said that he who does not abide by what is written is cursed, by contrast it is implied that he who has not kept all the precepts is not blessed. And if every simple person is blessed, then that person is simple who fulfills all the precepts of the law.
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Asserere hunc illud, quod toties jam superius dictum est, « Ad regnum coelorum libros Moysis, sicut Evangelium mittere, » nullus catholicorum, qui hoc capitulum legerit, dubitat, nec intelligendo difficultatem aliquam poterit sustinere. Et quia indiscrete legem in eodem impiissimo capitulo nominavit, quod si Mosaicam, cujus testimonium maledicti posuit, e aperte nos in Judaismum attrahere tentat; quod si, ad tegendum se per fallaciam, legis nomine Evangelium se dixerit nominasse, in eo quidem quod legem Evangelium appellat, non errat. e Sed in eo est impius, in quo sub (??) simili et aequali nos, qui sub Evangelio sumus, maledicto constituere non pertimescit, exaequans legi circumcisionis et omni Judaismo evangelicam gratiam: unde etiam discipulus ejus Coelestinus aperte ausus est pronuntiare: « Legem sic mittere ad regna coelorum, sicut Evangelium. »
English
He asserts that this point, which has already been stated so many times above—"He sends the books of Moses to the kingdom of heaven just as the Gospel"—no Catholic who has read this chapter doubts, nor can he sustain any difficulty in understanding it. And because in that same most impious chapter he indiscreetly named "the law," if he meant the Mosaic law, whose testimony he placed under a curse, he openly attempts to draw us into Judaism; but if, to conceal himself through deceit, he claimed to have named the Gospel by the name of "law," in that he calls the law the Gospel, he does not err. But he is impious in that he does not shrink from placing us, who are under the Gospel, under a similar and equal curse, equating the grace of the Gospel with the law of circumcision and all Judaism; whence also his disciple Coelestinus openly dared to pronounce: "He sends the law to the kingdoms of heaven just as the Gospel.
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Manifestum est enim, secundum Pelagium, quia si sub eodem vel simili adhuc sumus vinculo, etiam sub Evangelii tempore; a et si quid tamquam homines erraverimus, aut unum de praeceptis Evangelii non impleverimus,b esse nos maledictos. Quod si ita, quod absit, tamen ut ille vult sit dictum, exaequatum est legi veteri Evangelium; et ubi erit dictum Pauli Apostoli: Christus nos redemit de maledicto legis factus pro nobis maledictum, quia scriptum est ( Deut, xxvii, ): Maledictus omnis homo, qui non permanet in omnibus quae scripta sunt in libro legit, ut faciat ea (Galat, iii, 10). Quinetiam subdescendens hunc ipsum sensum latius in eodem sermone libelli hujus exsequitur, et latius eum commendat. Post multa enim ibidem ait: « Odisse, maledicere, et invidere, mentiri, detrahere, et detrahentibus credere, leve aut nullum putatur esse peccatum; sed hi qui hoc putant, obliti sunt, e quoniam et levis praecepti obnoxios gehennae legimus esse mancipandos. Dixisse enim, inquit, Dominum manifestum est: Quicumque dixerit fratri suo, Fatue, vel Racha, reus erit gehenna. »
English
It is manifest, according to Pelagius, that if we are still under the same or a similar bond even in the time of the Gospel; and if, as men, we have erred in anything, or have not fulfilled one of the precepts of the Gospel, we are accursed. If this is so—which God forbid, yet as he wishes it to be said—the Gospel has been made equal to the Old Law; and where then will be the saying of the Apostle Paul: "Christ redeemed us from the curse of the law, having become a curse for us," because it is written (Deut. xxvii): "Cursed is every man who does not abide in all that is written in the book of the law, to do them" (Gal. iii, 10)? Moreover, descending further, he pursues this same sense more broadly in the same sermon of this little book, and commends it more widely. For after many things there he says: "To hate, to curse, and to envy, to lie, to detract, and to believe those who detract, is thought to be a light or no sin; but those who think this have forgotten that we read that even those guilty of a light precept are to be consigned to gehenna. For it is manifest, he says, that the Lord said: 'Whoever says to his brother, "Fool" or "Raca," shall be liable to gehenna.'
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CAPUT V. Convenitur Julianus, et invitatur ad resipiscendum exemplo sociorum. Hos igitur in ejusmodi impiissimis erroribus deprehensos, Pelagium scilicet et Coelestium, ad satisfactionem Ecclesiae Julianus, et caeteri sui participes, e vel modo condemnent; et si quos confidunt adversus catholicam fidem non recte sentire, nominatim designare non dubitent, et ecclesiastico ordine a nobis accipient pro nostra possibilitate responsum, aut ab eo certe, quem dicent a sensu catholico deviare. Sicut enim a superius praefati sumus, jam multi qui Coelestium et Pelagium cum eo fuerant secuti, Juliani quoque participes et socii facti, derelicto eo, Pelagioque damnato, sedi apostolicae se submittentes, et poenitere super his quae male senserant profitentes, a sanctis Patribus digni habiti miseratione, suscepti sunt. ADMONITIO IN MARII MERCATORIS LIBRUM SUBNOTATIONUM SEQUENTEM.
English
CHAPTER V. Julian is confronted and invited to come to his senses by the example of his associates. Therefore, let Julian and his other partisans condemn, even now, Pelagius and Coelestius, caught as they are in such impious errors, to the satisfaction of the Church; and if they trust that any are not thinking rightly against the catholic faith, let them not hesitate to designate them by name, and they shall receive from us, according to our ability, a response in ecclesiastical order, or certainly from him whom they claim is deviating from catholic sense. For, as we have stated above, many who had followed Coelestius and Pelagius along with him, and had also become partakers and associates of Julian, having abandoned him and condemned Pelagius, submitting themselves to the apostolic see and professing repentance for what they had wrongly thought, have been deemed worthy of mercy by the holy Fathers and have been received. A WARNING IN THE FOLLOWING BOOK OF MARIUS MERCATOR'S SUB-ANNOTATIONS.
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Opus hoc secundum duas in partes distributum est a Mercatore. Altera nomen Commonitorii ad lectorem accepit, quia praefationis loco est; altera Subnotationum ad verba Juliani, quod est ipsummet Opus. Utraque multa plane eximia complectitur; sed prima potissimum quae ad historiam spectent; secunda, quae ad dogmata, quamquam et ista prodat de Juliano quae dam ad hunc usque diem ignota. Una hic per se quoestio tractanda proponitur, de mortalitate Adoe per peccatum: alioe velut appendices attinguntur, de peccato originali, de baptismo et redemptione parvulorum, etc. Unde Mercator (ln Commonitorio seu Prologo hujus libri parte i): Tota summa inepti et magis impii Juliani laboris ad unam pravam redigi videtur sententiam, Adae videlicet et Evae transgressionem eos non fecisse mortales. Et postea (ln fine libri Subnot.): Scis in ista, quae inter nos vertitur, quaestione de mortalitate, scilicet generis bumani, quae per primos transgressores divini mandati generaliter per semina percucurrit, et currit, et in finem usque cursura est, totam prorsus causam tuam construi.
English
This work has been divided by Mercator into two parts. One part has received the name of a Commonitory to the reader, because it serves as a preface; the other, of Subnotations to the words of Julian, which is the work itself. Both contain many clearly outstanding things; but the first especially those things that pertain to history; the second, those that pertain to doctrines, although this latter also reveals about Julian certain things unknown up to this very day. One question is here proposed for treatment on its own, concerning the mortality of Adam through sin; others are touched upon as appendages, concerning original sin, concerning the baptism and redemption of infants, etc. Whence Mercator (in the Commonitory or Prologue, which is part one of this book): "The whole sum of the foolish and more impious labor of Julian seems to be reduced to one depraved opinion, namely, that the transgression of Adam and Eve did not make them mortal." And afterwards (at the end of the book of Subnotations): "You know that in this question which is being debated between us, concerning mortality, namely of the human race, which through the first transgressors of the divine command ran generally through the seeds, and runs, and will run until the end, your entire case is constructed.
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De tempore aliquid hinc opinor colligi probabiliter posse. Scripsit Mercator post Theodori Mopsuesteni mortem, ut constat ex his verbis (Initio Prologi seu Commonitorii): A Theodoro quondam episcopo oppidi Mopsuesteni; immo post obitum S. Augustini: Sanctae recordationis Augustinus episcopus diversis temporibus, etc.; atque etiam post vulgatam ipsius responsionem ad opus postremum Juliani. Sic enim Mercator (Ibid., sub finem): Sanctus Augustinus sex suis libris quatuor priores illius evertit, octo quoque posteriores singulis responsionibus suis ad singula capita subjectis: quod utriusque Opus cum In manus nostras venisset, etc. Cum igitur Theodorus e vita excesserit ann. 427, Augustinus ann. (Theodoretus in fine Hist. Eccl.), et ad Mercatorem in Oriente positum pervenire vix potuerit Opus Imperfectum, priusquam Ephesum adveniret Bassula diaconus, qui, ut credibile est, una cum litteris Capreoli Car thaginensis episcopi attulit hoc Opus, tamquam sacrum sanctissimi viri in defensione gratiae morientis testamentum; non videtur procul a vero Subnotationes factas quidem a Mercatore, sub finem ann.
English
Concerning the time, I think something can be gathered here with probability. Mercator wrote after the death of Theodorus of Mopsuestia, as is evident from these words (at the beginning of the Prologue or Commonitory): "From Theodorus, once bishop of the town of Mopsuestia"; indeed, after the death of St. Augustine: "Augustinus, bishop of holy memory, at various times," etc.; and also after the publication of his own response to the final work of Julian. For thus Mercator (Ibid., near the end): "St. Augustine, in his six books, overturned the four earlier ones of that man, and also the eight later ones, with his individual responses appended to individual chapters: which work of both, when it had come into our hands," etc. Since, therefore, Theodorus departed from life in the year 427, Augustine in the year (Theodoretus at the end of the Ecclesiastical History), and the Unfinished Work could scarcely have reached Mercator, who was situated in the East, before Bassula the deacon arrived at Ephesus, who, as is credible, brought this work together with the letters of Capreolus, bishop of Carthage, as a sacred testament of the most holy man in defense of dying grace; it does not seem far from the truth that the Subnotations were made by Mercator toward the end of the year.
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431, quo habita est Ephesi synodus, sed in unum librum collectas impulsu Pientii, anno consequente; Mercatori quippe id procul dubio acciderit, quod curiosis solet, Opus diu exspectatum avide legerit, cum primum accepit; lectum subnotaverit, et suo tempore Subnotationes iu unum congesserit. Interest lectoris tria hic observasse. Primum, nos quidem Subnotationes in octo capita partitos fuisse, sed secutos hac in re Mercatorem, qui totidem excerpta ex Juliani libris examinanda sibi proposuit; variis numeris singula capita, ipsumque Commonitorium distinxisse, ut si qua nobis aliquando citanda sint, tanto facilius reperiantur, quanto pluribus indiciis designata fuerint. Alterum, ad singula Juliani excerpta Augustini responsionem, etsi Mercator non apposuerit, a nobis tamen subjunctam, ut utriusque doctoris responsiones inter se compositae mutuam sibi lucem refundant. Postremum, nusquam, vel apud Mercatorem, vel apud alios ejusdem arvi auctores, plura per se arcana, quae ad historiam Coelestianam pertineant, contineri, ut merito quispiam hoc opusculum idcirco vocet. Mysterium haeresis Coelestianae revelatum.
English
431, the year the Synod of Ephesus was held, but collected into a single book at the urging of Pientius in the following year; for what undoubtedly happened to Mercator is what usually happens to the curious: he eagerly read the long-awaited work as soon as he received it; having read it, he annotated it, and in his own time gathered the annotations into one. It is in the reader's interest to have noted three things here. First, that we have indeed divided the Subnotationes into eight chapters, but in this we have followed Mercator, who set himself the same number of excerpts from Julian's books to examine; we have distinguished the individual chapters and the Commonitory itself with various numbers, so that if we ever need to cite something, it may be found all the more easily, the more numerous the indicators by which it has been designated. Second, that although Mercator did not append Augustine's response to each of Julian's excerpts, we have nevertheless subjoined it, so that the responses of each doctor, set side by side, may shed mutual light upon each other. Lastly, that nowhere, either in Mercator or in other authors of the same field, are more arcane matters in themselves, which pertain to the history of the Coelestian heresy, contained, so that one might rightly call this little work for that reason: The Mystery of the Coelestian Heresy Revealed.
Citation. Tergwame, “Commonitorium De Coelestio Imperatori Oblatum”, tmp772.tmp772.opp-lat1:1, machine-draft, 2026. https://naxiai.com/christian/works/tmp772.tmp772.opp-lat1#s1
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